In the early 1980s, American complaints about unfair trade practices began to intensify. Sunrise industries, such as manufacturers of semiconductors and telecommunications equipment, joined older complainants, including steel and textile producers, in seeking more safeguards against international competitors who priced their products too aggressively or whose governments subsidized exports or protected home markets. In this politically charged atmosphere, the U.S. government has devised increasingly stringent regulatory programs to address the claimed abuses and distortions. In this book, Pietro Nivola examines the strenuous effort to combat the objectionable trading practices of other countries. Through most of the postwar period, Nivola notes, policymakers had deemed it in the nation's economic and strategic interests to tolerate asymmetries and infractions in the international trading order. But that tolerance has been sharply lowered by heightened sensitivity to inequities, and a growing conviction that government should intervene, frequently and forcefully, to ensure a "level playing field." The book maintains that foreign protectionism lower East-West tensions, and alleged American decline in the face of international competition cannot fully explain the stiffening regulation of unfair trade. The world trading system, Nivola contends, is not more restrictive now than it was earlier. Cries about foreign commercial transgressions in recent years have remained shrill despite a formidable U.S. export boom and an improved current account valance. Much of the U.S. regulatory activity has acquired a political momentum of its own. The activity has increased not just because global competitive pressures have generally intensified but because we have developed more ways and inducement to complain about those pressures. Nivola cautions that trade regulations now bears too much of the burden for ameliorating economic imbalances and deficiencies. The tendency a
This book is a political–economic analysis of China’s transformation to become a global aviation power. It aims to identify the driving forces that have shaped China’s ever-evolving international air transport policy direction and goals in the past four decades and further determines how and to what extent these driving forces have shaped China’s considerations and strategies when executing its policy goals through bilateral air services negotiations. The findings reveal that China’s international air transport policymaking has remained in the domain of the country’s aviation regulator, which has enjoyed an exclusivity to exercise its power on the air transport sector. The book argues that China’s international air transport policy direction is in alignment with the country’s overall strategic mission and its goal is set to support the country’s endeavour to realise the “China dream.” It concludes that factors at all levels interact with each other with a far-reaching impact on the country’s policy direction and goal setting; however, these factors are constrained by time and circumstances. The book is a must-read for a wide array of audiences, including, but not limited to, scholars and industry professionals who have an interest in China’s political economy, policymaking, international trade, government behaviour, corporate political activities, air transport, aviation liberalisation, and bilateral negotiations.
What was the “battle in Seattle” over trade all about? You may know...but do your students? With John Rothgeb's concise text U.S. Trade Policy: Balancing Economic Dreams and Political Realities, your students will learn about international trade, the political tensions it rouses, and its historical roots. Rothgeb carefully traces the forces that affect U.S. trade policy's development and implementation, including: * the strategic and competitive international arena * policymakers' views on the value of trade * the influence of special interest groups * the impact of institutional rivalries Supplement your foreign and economic policy course with a balanced discussion of the enormous changes spurred by the Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, the Bretton Woods system, and the GATT, to the controversy surrounding current trade relations withteh European Union and China.
The first and definitive book of its kind, Joan Spero's The Politics of International Economic Relations has been fully updated to reflect the sweeping changes in the international arena. With the expertise of co-author Jeffrey Hart, the fifth edition strengthens the coverage of political and economic relations since the end of the Cold War, economic polarization in developing nations and the roots of economic decline in centrally planned economies. A new chapter on industrial policy and competitiveness debates further illustrates the changing dynamics of International Political Economy. Ideal as a supplement to the International Relations course or as the core text in International Political Economy, Spero and Hart's The Politics of International Economic Relations continues to give students the breadth and depth of scholarship needed to understand the politics of world economy.
The Political Economy of U.S. Tariffs: An Empirical Analysis provides information pertinent to the political economy of trade barriers. This book discusses the cross-sectional regression analysis across industries to understand why some industries have been more privileged than others. Organized into seven chapters, this book begins with an overview of the structure of protection and identifies the primary actors or principles that condition the formation of trade policy more generally. This text then evaluates the institutional and theoretical reasons why political leverage should not be expected to play a significant role in explaining tariffs. Other chapters consider the notion that the structure of protection at any point in time represents some sort of equilibrium. This book discusses as well the distinction between nominal and effective tariffs. The final chapter deals with individual regressors and groups of regressors. This book is a valuable resource for economists and specialists in quantitative analysis.
How has the U.S. government made the nation's foreign economic policy over the last hundred years? Social scientists have traditionally presented the American state as relatively weak, its policies as directly reflecting the domestic balance of strength among interested social groups and economic sectors. This collection of essays by seven notable young political scientists provides a theoretical reevaluation of the forces at work in national policy making and present evidence that the effectiveness of the national government in shaping U.S. policy has been greatly underestimated.
This book, originally published in 1996, traces the development of US government policy toward the oil industry during the 1920s and 1930s when the domestic syustem of production control was established. It then charts the deveopment and collapse of oil import controls, and the wild scramble for economic rents generated by Government regulation. It discusses the two oil crises and the ‘phantom’ Gulf War crisis, and the importance of public opinion in shaping the policy agenda. It also provides an in-depth study of Congressional oil votes from the 1950s to the 1980s and the formation of oil policy, beginning with theories of economic regulation, the role of interest groups in developing the policy agenda and the role of money in politics.
Every hour of every day Americans see, smell, taste, or hear goods and services traded between the United States and other nations. Trade issues are front-page news but most Americans know little about the potential impact of global economic interdependence on their jobs, standard of living, and quality of life. In Trade and the American Dream, Susan Aaronson highlights a previously ignored dimension of the United States trade policy: public understanding. Focusing on the debate over the three mechanisms designed to govern world trade—the International Trade Organization (ITO), the General Agreement on Tarriffs and Trade (GATT), and the World Trade Organization (WTO)—she examines how policymakers communicate and how the public comprehends trade policy. Since 1947 the U.S. has led global efforts to free trade, and support for freer trade policies and for an international organization to govern world trade has become dogma among policymakers, business leaders, and economists. Relaying on archival research, polling data, public documents, interviews, and Congressional testimony, Aaronson shows that the public also matters in trade policy decisions. If concerns about the implications of economic interdependence remain unaddressed, American trade policy and an international trade organization are vulnerable to a surge of populism and isolationism. While Americans became addicted to imported cars, radios, computers, and appliances, a growing number saw the costs of freer trade policies in the nation's slums, poverty statistics, crime rate, and unemployment figures. Concerns about freer trade policies reached a crescendo in the mid-1990s, especially as Congress debated U.S. participation in the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Aaronson suggests ways to create greater public understanding for the GATT/WTO and international trade. If national trade policy is to play in Peoria, Americans must first understand it.