Federalism, as a basis of state organization, involves a distribution of powers between two levels of government. Ideally, the distribution involves internal and external affairs. Although the federal principle has been adopted as a basis of internal administration by many states, the international dimension of federalism is evident in only a handful of states, the Federal Republic of Germany, Switzerland, the United States of America and Canada.
The Commentary on the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties provides an in-depth article-by-article analysis of all provisions of the Vienna Convention. The texts are uniformly structured: (I) Purpose and Function of the Article, (II) Historical Background and Negotiating History, and (III) Elements of the Article. The Vienna Convention on Treaties between States and IOs and between IOs is taken into account where appropriate. In sum, the present Commentary contains a comprehensive legal analysis of all aspects of the international law of treaties. Where the law of treaties reaches into other fields of international law, e.g. the law of state responsibility, the relevant interfaces are discussed and contextualized. With its focus on international practice, the Commentary is addressed to academia, as well as to practitioners of international law.
Challenging the myth that the federal government exercises exclusive control over U.S. foreign-policymaking, Michael J. Glennon and Robert D. Sloane propose that we recognize the prominent role that states and cities now play in that realm. Foreign Affairs Federalism provides the first comprehensive study of the constitutional law and practice of federalism in the conduct of U.S. foreign relations. It could hardly be timelier. States and cities recently have limited greenhouse gas emissions, declared nuclear free zones and sanctuaries for undocumented immigrants, established thousands of sister-city relationships, set up informal diplomatic offices abroad, and sanctioned oppressive foreign governments. Exploring the implications of these and other initiatives, this book argues that the national interest cannot be advanced internationally by Washington alone. Glennon and Sloane examine in detail the considerable foreign affairs powers retained by the states under the Constitution and question the need for Congress or the president to step in to provide "one voice" in foreign affairs. They present concrete, realistic ways that the courts can update antiquated federalism precepts and untangle interwoven strands of international law, federal law, and state law. The result is a lucid, incisive, and up-to-date analysis of the rules that empower-and limit-states and cities abroad.
International Law is a concise paperback that is an ideal student companion guide to any law school casebook on international law. Clearly written and thoughtfully organized around three key concepts, this text orients students in the basics of international law while providing broad coverage of contemporary public policy issues shaping international relations.
This significant book addresses the most important legal issues that cities face when attempting to adapt to the changing climate. This includes how to become more resilient against the impacts of climate change such as sea level rise, increases in the intensity and frequency of storms, floods, droughts, and extreme temperatures.
Accompanying the oft-noted globalisation of international relations, there is an equally significant trend towards 'localisation' as a range of subnational constituencies and the authorities that represent them respond to externally-generated pressures on the one hand, and seek to exploit enhanced opportunities to operate in the international arena on the other. The book examines these developments in the context of the growing international involvement of the non-central governments within federal states. Employing a number of case studies, it argues that the significance of these developments can best be understood as one facet of an increasingly complex, multilayered, diplomacy as national policy makers are forced to negotiate simultaneously with domestic and foreign interests in the pursuit of policy objectives.
It gives me great pleasure to write a foreword to :\1r. Sen's excellent book, and for two reasons in particular. In the first place, in producing it, Mr. Sen has done something vvhich I have long felt needed to be done, and which I at one time had am bitions to do myself. \Vhen, over thirty years ago, and after some years of practice at the Bar, I first entered the legal side of the British Foreign Service, I had not been working for long in the Foreign Office before I conceived the idea of writing - or at any rate compiling - a book to which (in my own mind) I gave the title of "A ~fanual of Foreign Office Law. " This work, had I ever produced it in the form in which I visualised it, could probably not have been published con sistently with the requirements of official discretion. But this did not worry me as I was only contemplating something for private circulation within the Service and in Government circles. :Mr. Sen's aim has been broader and more public-spirited than mine was; but its basis is essentially the same.
First Published in 1995. The law of treaties, a central field of international law, was also a central concern for Paul Reuter as a jurist. In close association with Jean Monnet, he made a decisive contribution to the Schuman Plan which led to the treaty instituting the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951. But it was mainly from 1964 onwards, when he became a member of the International Law Commission, that he took an ever-growing part in the development of the law of treaties.
