Reprint of this scarce joint 1996 publication by the U.S. Naval Historical Center and the Office of Naval Intelligence. This comprehensive reference work is intended to provide intelligence professionals, scholars, and the general public with a detailed, topical accounting of the long and varied activities of U.S. Naval Intelligence. ill.
This collection uses the transnational activities of municipal urban governments to historicize the origins and development of the global city, focusing on how urban problems were addressed with concepts that emerged from the "world in between" nations and cities.
Finalist for the Pulitzer Prize • Winner of the Council on Foreign Relations Arthur Ross Book Award • One of the New York Times' Ten Best Books of the Year “Impressive . . . Mr. Judt writes with enormous authority.” —The Wall Street Journal “Magisterial . . . It is, without a doubt, the most comprehensive, authoritative, and yes, readable postwar history.” —The Boston Globe Almost a decade in the making, this much-anticipated grand history of postwar Europe from one of the world's most esteemed historians and intellectuals is a singular achievement. Postwar is the first modern history that covers all of Europe, both east and west, drawing on research in six languages to sweep readers through thirty-four nations and sixty years of political and cultural change-all in one integrated, enthralling narrative. Both intellectually ambitious and compelling to read, thrilling in its scope and delightful in its small details, Postwar is a rare joy. Judt's book, Ill Fares the Land, republished in 2021 featuring a new preface by bestselling author of Between the World and Me and The Water Dancer, Ta-Nehisi Coates.
In 2013, the Academy is using the 75th anniversary of the "Anschluss" in March 1938 as an occasion to present an exhibition and to publish a catalog investigating the reactions of the Academy to the Nazi power takeover, the Academy's involvement in the Nazi domination apparatus, and the impact this had on the postwar period. New research findings allow a profound insight into the personnel and institutional structure of the Academy as well as its scientific focus during the Nazi era. The "Anschluss" of Austria by the National Socialist German Reich in March 1938 marked a profound turning point for the Academy of Sciences in Vienna. With the Nazis' seizure of power, Academy members and staff members were forced to leave for political and "racial" reasons. They were persecuted and expelled; they died in Nazi concentration camps. Organizations like the Institute for Radium Research, the Vivarium, and the Phonogram Archive lost their key research personnel; worldwide pioneering research programs and international research collaborations were broken off. Under the Academy's new Nazi leadership, the learned society's autonomy was reduced and research projects in the support of Nazi ideology were carried out. The year 1945 was not a "zero hour." In addition to breaks, there were also continuities in the research institutes as well as the association of scholars. In dealing with Nazism, the Academy took an ambivalent stance: In the early postwar period, the membership of former Nazis was provisionally suspended. A few years later - pursuant to the Amnesty Law of 1948 - practically all former Nazi party members, even high-ranking officials, were re-admitted as members.
This history of UNESCO retraces almost 50 years in the life of the international organization, whose action in fields such as education, science, culture and communication have been at the heart of changes since World War II.
Pp. 283-297, "Mykhailo Drahomanov and the Problem of Ukrainian-Jewish Relations", discuss the views of the Russian nationalist as expressed in two articles. In the first (1875) he opposed legal discrimination against Jews, as it was based on medieval prejudice and did not achieve its aim of safeguarding the peasants' interests. The second was a response to the pogroms of 1881-82. He blamed the Russian policy of concentrating the Jews in the Pale of Settlement for Ukrainian-Jewish tensions. He also criticized the Jews as a parasitic class which felt no solidarity with the Ukraine. He saw the solution in a Jewish socialist movement and a federation of Russia and Austro-Hungary, in which Jews would enjoy equal rights. Pp. 299-313, "The Problem of Ukrainian-Jewish Relations in Nineteenth-Century Ukrainian Political Thought, " discuss the approaches of three Ukrainian thinkers to the "Jewish question": Mykola Kostomarov, Mykhailo Drahomanov, and Ivan Franko. Kostomarov published an article in 1862 in "Osnova" to counter accusations in the Jewish journal "Sion" against the Ukrainian cultural movement. He supported Jewish emancipation, but accused the Jews of clannishness, indifference to the fate of their country, and acting as instruments of Polish oppression and exploiters of the peasants. Franko was a disciple of Drahomanov; he adopted the idea of Ukrainian independence and advocated Jewish-Ukrainian cooperation.
In the spring of 1945, Fuhrer and Reich Chancellor Adolf Hitler, President Edvard Benes, and Marshal Josip Broz Tito stood as examples of the complete rupture between the Germans and Austrians on the one hand, and the Czechs, Slovaks, Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, and Bosniaks on the other. The total break that occurred in World War II with war crimes, crimes against humanity, and even genocides (particularly against the Jews and "Gypsies") had a long pre-history, beginning with violent nationalist clashes in the Habsburg Monarchy during the revolutions of 1848/49. Therefore, this monograph - based on a broad range of international primary and secondary sources - explores the development of the political, legal, economic, social, and cultural "communities of conflict" within Austria-Hungary, especially in the Bohemian and South Slavic countries, the making of the Paris Peace Treaties in 1919/20 by violating President Wilson's principle of self-determination, particularly in drawing new borders and creating new economic units, and the perpetuated ethnic-national conflicts between Czechs and Germans, Slovaks and Magyars, Slovenes and Germans, Croats and Serbs as well as Serbs and Germans in the successor states, deepening the differences between the nations of East-Central Europe. Although many kings, presidents, chancellors, ministers, governors, diplomats, business tycoons, generals, Nazi-Gauleiter, higher SS and police leaders, and Communist functionaries have appeared as historical actors in the 170 years of East-Central and Southeastern European history, Hitler, Benes, and Tito remain especially present in historical memory at the beginning of the twenty-first century.
