This book clarifies Khomeini’s views on nationalism, sectarianism, and peace and war by putting the Iran-Iraq war at center of understanding of Khomeini’s ideology. Moreover, by making comparisons between Khomeini’s thoughts before and after the revolution with his words during the Iran-Iraq war, this book helps us see how his discourse during the conflict was shaped by such thoughts. Also, such a comparison helps us understand the complexities of Khomeini’s doctrines and their evolvements. Additionally, by offering a unique set of methodological tools, this book introduces a new way to study political leaders in Iran and other parts of the Middle East.
This book analyzes Ayatollah Khomeinis ideology, Irans official and unofficial armed forces, and its allies throughout the world and provides photographs of the regimes predominant actors. Since 1892, the Shia clergy has played a major role in Iran, such as the tobacco boycott, which led to the withdrawal of the concession given by the Shah to British citizens, Irans Constitutional Revolution of 1906, as well as organizing opposition to the Shahs policies in the 1979 revolution. Ayatollah Khomeini was a lecturer at Hawza Ilmiyya (Shia seminary of traditional Islamic school of higher learning) of Najaf and Qom for decades before he came on to the Iranian political scene. In 1977, Khomeini assumed the mantle of leadership within the Islamist opposition after the death of Ali Shariati, a leftist intellectual and one of the most influential Iranian Muslim thinkers of his generation. In 1930, Shariati contributed a new line of thinking in Iran, through his reinterpretation of jihad and shahadat (martyrdom), which was presented in his view of an authentic Islam. Shariatis new authentic Islam centered on a reinterpretation of the story of Karbala, where Imam Hussein was martyred in a battle, refusing to pledge allegiance to Yazid, the Umayyad caliph. Shariati borrowed the Christian concept of martyrdom from the Crucifixion and Resurrection of Jesus as the basis of his new Islamic philosophy. Shariati wrote that when faced with the possibility of ones own death, one must adopt an attitude of freedom-toward-death and thereby experience authentic living. In 1978, Ayatollah Khomeinis reinterpretation of Shia rituals removed the borders between the audience and the actors, turning the entire country into a stage for his casting. He imbued the old passion of the story of Karbala with a new passionate hatred for the Shahs unjust rule in Iran, as well as Israels and the United Statess influences within the world. Khomeinis memory of Dr. Mohammed Mosaddegh, whose government was toppled by the CIA in 1953, returning the Shah to Iran, resulted in the rise of various political groups such as nationalists, liberals, secularists, and Marxists. These groups were essential in assisting Khomeinis overthrow of the Shah, though they were soon stomped out by the creation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in May 1979 in order to protect Khomeinis unique brand of a Shia Islamic Revolution. The Iran-Iraq War initiated the rapid expansion of the IRGCs size and capabilities. In September 1980, the IRGC had only 30,000 men in lightly armed units. Prior to the war, the IRGC personnel were very young in age and had little to no military experience. By the summer of 1981, the IRGC had organized basic training centers with experienced commanders and a select group of regular officers. They also had 50,000 members, and its strength would jump to 100,000 in 1983 and 250,000 in 1985. In order to meet all its manpower needs on the Iraq war front, the IRGC then turned to its volunteer militia, the Basij. The Basij members provided more troops than the IRGC could arm. The average Basij member came from Irans rural areas and can be described as poor, uneducated, and ranged in age from twelve to thirty years old. Like the IRGC, the Basij members are motivated by both religion and ideology. After the Iran-Iraq War, the IRGC focused on external threats as the Basij increased its involvement in domestic affairs. In past years, the Basij militia has been active in controlling public gatherings and disrupting demonstrations by civil or student activists.
The Iran-Iraq War was personified by the determination and ambition of the key leaders, Saddam Hussein and Ayatollah Khomeini, and characterised by mass casualties, the repression of the civilian populations and chemical warfare. Fought with lucrative oil money, it left the belligerents with crippling debts. In this important reappraisal, Rob Johnson explores the major issues surrounding the war, offers a fresh analysis of the military aspects and assesses the far-reaching consequences for the wider world. It is essential reading for anyone who wishes to understand the ensuing conflicts in the reqion, including the invasion of Iraq in 2003.
The final index entry of "zero-sum game" aptly encapsulates much about the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War (or Gulf War I as the author terms it) and its spinoff of the 1991 Gulf War II, particularly from the perspective of the US. Torock (whose background is unspecified except for the Melbourne signoff on the preface) views Saddam Hussein as a Frankenstein monster created by, and later turning against, the superpowers in a familiar pattern of their contest of political intervention in the Third World. Includes 16 pages of references. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
" After I have finished my book, I cannot but thank my brother and dear friend Sheikh Nazem Hamza Alwan Al-Jubouri. He was a sincere and objective reference when I was discussing with him some issues in the research. I loaded him with reviewing the book when I finished it in its final form. I have all thanks and love for him.I would also like to express my thanks and appreciation to historian and great military expert Brig. Gen. Sobhi Nazim, as his testimony after a systematic scientific dialogue with him on the sources of Iraqi armament, has embellished my book with undoubtable facts, I greet him wherever he is.And thanks to my Syrian Arab thinker friend Samir Saifan, who reviewed the draft book for the first time.A greeting of appreciation for Dr. Musa Moussawi, son of grand scholar Ayatollah Abu l-Hasan, may Allah have mercy on him. His writings, his neutral scientific credentials and his personal and accurate knowledge of Ayatollah Khomeini and President Saddam Hussein were scientific support for me to complete the facts that I sought in my research, for a good neighborhood and peaceful future for coming generations, in which the spirit of tolerance and cooperation between the two Muslim countries will prevail in Iraq and Iran on the basis of good neighborliness, mutual respect, cooperation and non-interference in each other's internal affairs, exceeding the greediness, acquisition of the rights of others and imposition of beliefs on the other through returning to the spirit of Islam, which is common between the two neighboring countries."
Keen to learn but short on time? Get to grips with the events of the Iran-Iraq War in next to no time with this concise guide. 50Minutes.com provides a clear and engaging analysis of the Iran-Iraq War. On 22 September 1980, Saddam Hussein attacked the Shatt al-Arab with the aim of annexing territories around it. This marked the start of a protracted war between Iraq and Iran. After eight years of hostilities that included the controversial use of chemical weapons, the war finally came to an end, with neither side achieving significant gains and both suffering a devastating number of casualties. In just 50 minutes you will: • Understand the political and social context of the war and the reasons behind the first attack • Identify the main leaders of Iran and Iraq and their role in the conflict • Analyse the outcome of the war and its impact on the futures of Iran, Iraq and the countries that supported them ABOUT 50MINUTES.COM | History & Culture 50MINUTES.COM will enable you to quickly understand the main events, people, conflicts and discoveries from world history that have shaped the world we live in today. Our publications present the key information on a wide variety of topics in a quick and accessible way that is guaranteed to save you time on your journey of discovery.
For Iran the years since Ayatollah Khomeini's death have been dominated by the need for political consolidation and economic reconstruction. The book assesses the critical dilemmas of the regime both previous to and since the demise of its first spiritual leader. The vital issues of political succession and constitutional reform are addressed, contributing to an analysis of the structures and politics of power. How these have reflected upon economic policy is considered with close atttention being given to the reform policies of Rafsanjani. Foreign policy and security issues are discussed in both regional and global terms and include a study of Iranian defence strategy and its controversial re-armament drive. The final chapter examines the direction and context of all of these major policy areas, providing an analysis of whether the Islamic Republic truly represents a revolutionary alternative for the Third World or whether in fact it has developed in time to fall within a similar mould to other notable revolutions, casting by the wayside any uniquely Islamic agenda and alternatives. At the heart of this study is the belief that the Islamic regime has, since the cease-fire with Iraq, but more specifically since Ayatollah Khomeini's death passed into a new stage of development, referred to in the book as the `Second Republic'.
Produced between the end of the war with Iraq and the death of the Ayatollah Khomeini. Part one outlines the country's history, sketchily until just before the revolution. Part two contains views of the present situation by five journalists, a British diplomat, and a scholar. Also lists government leaders and dissident groups. A high price for a small, cheaply bound, already outdated book. No bibliography. Paperback edition not seen. Annotation copyrighted by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
