Digital trade and U.S. trade policy
Author: Rachel F. Fefer
Publisher:
Published: 2018
Total Pages: 39
ISBN-13:
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Author: Rachel F. Fefer
Publisher:
Published: 2018
Total Pages: 39
ISBN-13:
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAuthor: United States. Congress. Joint Committee on Congressional Operations
Publisher:
Published: 1974
Total Pages: 826
ISBN-13:
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAuthor: Thomas Jefferson
Publisher:
Published: 1848
Total Pages: 216
ISBN-13:
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAuthor: Craig Schultz
Publisher:
Published: 1994
Total Pages: 404
ISBN-13:
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAuthor: Valerie C. Brannon
Publisher: Independently Published
Published: 2019-04-03
Total Pages: 50
ISBN-13: 9781092635158
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAs the Supreme Court has recognized, social media sites like Facebook and Twitter have become important venues for users to exercise free speech rights protected under the First Amendment. Commentators and legislators, however, have questioned whether these social media platforms are living up to their reputation as digital public forums. Some have expressed concern that these sites are not doing enough to counter violent or false speech. At the same time, many argue that the platforms are unfairly banning and restricting access to potentially valuable speech. Currently, federal law does not offer much recourse for social media users who seek to challenge a social media provider's decision about whether and how to present a user's content. Lawsuits predicated on these sites' decisions to host or remove content have been largely unsuccessful, facing at least two significant barriers under existing federal law. First, while individuals have sometimes alleged that these companies violated their free speech rights by discriminating against users' content, courts have held that the First Amendment, which provides protection against state action, is not implicated by the actions of these private companies. Second, courts have concluded that many non-constitutional claims are barred by Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, 47 U.S.C. § 230, which provides immunity to providers of interactive computer services, including social media providers, both for certain decisions to host content created by others and for actions taken "voluntarily" and "in good faith" to restrict access to "objectionable" material. Some have argued that Congress should step in to regulate social media sites. Government action regulating internet content would constitute state action that may implicate the First Amendment. In particular, social media providers may argue that government regulations impermissibly infringe on the providers' own constitutional free speech rights. Legal commentators have argued that when social media platforms decide whether and how to post users' content, these publication decisions are themselves protected under the First Amendment. There are few court decisions evaluating whether a social media site, by virtue of publishing, organizing, or even editing protected speech, is itself exercising free speech rights. Consequently, commentators have largely analyzed the question of whether the First Amendment protects a social media site's publication decisions by analogy to other types of First Amendment cases. There are at least three possible frameworks for analyzing governmental restrictions on social media sites' ability to moderate user content. Which of these three frameworks applies will depend largely on the particular action being regulated. Under existing law, social media platforms may be more likely to receive First Amendment protection when they exercise more editorial discretion in presenting user-generated content, rather than if they neutrally transmit all such content. In addition, certain types of speech receive less protection under the First Amendment. Courts may be more likely to uphold regulations targeting certain disfavored categories of speech such as obscenity or speech inciting violence. Finally, if a law targets a social media site's conduct rather than speech, it may not trigger the protections of the First Amendment at all.
Author: United States. Congress. Congressional Operations Joint Committee
Publisher:
Published: 1974
Total Pages: 544
ISBN-13:
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAuthor: L. Elaine Halchin
Publisher: DIANE Publishing
Published: 2011-04
Total Pages: 38
ISBN-13: 1437938531
DOWNLOAD EBOOKContents: (1) Intro.; (2) Agency Rulemaking: ¿Midnight Rulemaking¿; (3) Executive Clemency; (4) Executive Orders; (5) Government Records; (6) 2008-2009 Pres. Transition: National Security Options: Considerations Unique to Each Phase of the Pres. Transition Period: Phases 1 and 2: Campaigning by Pres. Candidates to the Day of Election; Phase 3: Election Day; Phase 4: Selection of a Pres.-Elect to Inauguration Day; Phase 5: Presidential Inauguration to the Establishment of a New National Security Team and Policies; (7) Personnel -- Political to Career Conversions; (8) Political Appointments into the Next Presidency; (9) Submission of the President¿s Budget in Transition Years. Charts and tables. This is a print on demand publication.
Author: Michael E Devine
Publisher: Independently Published
Published: 2019-05-23
Total Pages: 32
ISBN-13: 9781099803413
DOWNLOAD EBOOKU.S. intelligence relations with foreign counterparts offer a number of benefits: indications and warning of an attack, expanded geographic coverage, corroboration of national sources, accelerated access to a contingency area, and a diplomatic backchannel. They also present risks of compromise due to poor security, espionage, geopolitical turmoil, manipulation to influence policy, incomplete vetting of foreign sources, over-reliance on a foreign partner's intelligence capabilities, and concern over a partner's potentially illegal or unethical tradecraft. Because intelligence failures involving a foreign partner sometimes become public, the risks to the IC of cooperating with a foreign intelligence service are more easily understood. Nevertheless, the persistent cultivation of intelligence relations with foreign partners suggests that the IC remains confident that the benefits outweigh the risks. These benefits are not always widely recognized due to their sensitivity and the potential for compromising the scope and details of what amounts to intelligence collection. The best known of these intelligence relationships are the decades-long ties to America's closest allies, who have shared history, values, and similar perspectives on national security threats. Such ties are often one component of a broader security cooperation arrangement. Less well known are liaison relationships with U.S. adversaries over a particular issue of mutual concern, or relations with non-state foreign intelligence organizations such as Kurdish groups. Regardless of the partner, the U.S. Intelligence Community's aim is to enhance national intelligence resources and capabilities and to further U.S. national security by better understanding the threat environment and thereby enabling informed strategic planning, better policy decisions, and successful military operations. Thus, U.S. foreign intelligence relationships can be an overlooked component of public discussion of various aspects of international cooperation. Foreign intelligence agencies with ties to U.S. intelligence have often escaped the reach of congressional oversight. Yet Congress, at various times, has been interested in both the benefits and the risks of foreign intelligence relationships to U.S. national security. While sometimes extolling the value intelligence foreign partners can provide, Congress has also been critical of occasions when the IC has become too dependent on such partners at the expense of IC investment in its own intelligence capabilities. Congress has also been concerned with the IC's ability to independently assess the credibility of foreign intelligence sources, as well as the vulnerability of a foreign intelligence partner's telecommunications infrastructure to compromise by a hostile foreign intelligence service. Of particular sensitivity to Congress has been the poor record of human rights by certain foreign intelligence agencies and the potential for foreign intelligence partners to collect and share with the United States information on U.S. persons.
Author: United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Rules and Administration. Subcommittee on Computer Services
Publisher:
Published: 1972
Total Pages: 310
ISBN-13:
DOWNLOAD EBOOKAuthor: United States. Congress. House. Committee on House Administration
Publisher:
Published: 1975
Total Pages: 654
ISBN-13:
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