History has traditionally taken the working man for granted, ignoring the fact that without his labour there would be no history. As this book shows, the history of working people in Canada is colourful, exciting and filled with many dramatic characters and events well worth discovering. Alberta Labour traces the growth of union organizations in Alberta like the Knights of Labour in the 1880s, the legendary Wobblies, the abortive One Big Union and finally the Alberta Federation of Labour, founded in 1912, which today represents and fights for the labouring men and women of the province. This history, the first of its kind, has been compiled from interviews with union members, original letters and documents, and contemporary newspapers and magazines. The text is illustrated with over 90 full-page photographs, most of them never published before, depicting labour at work in Alberta from its origins to the present day.
During the last decade, Alberta municipalities have endured hardships they have not faced since the Great Depression. Changes in the province's political structures appear to have been made primarily to transfer a greater share of the costs of local government to the municipalities, yet surprisingly few municipal politicians have resisted the province's financial policies.
In a few short decades before the First World War, Calgary was transformed from a frontier outpost into a complex industrial metropolis. With industrialization there emerged a diverse and equally complex working class. David Bright explores the various levels of class formation and class identity in the city to argue that Calgary's reputation as a prewar centre of labour conservatism is in need of revision.
In Democracy in Alberta: The Theory and Practice of a Quasi-Party System, published in 1953, C. B. Macpherson explored the nature of democracy in a province that was dominated by a single class of producers. At the time, Macpherson was talking about Alberta farmers, but today the province can still be seen as a one-industry economy—the 1947 discovery of oil in Leduc having inaugurated a new era. For all practical purposes, the oil-rich jurisdiction of Alberta also remains a one-party state. Not only has there been little opposition to a government that has been in power for over forty years, but Alberta ranks behind other provinces in terms of voter turnout, while also boasting some of the lowest scores on a variety of social welfare indicators. The contributors to Alberta Oil and the Decline of Democracy critically assess the political peculiarities of Alberta and the impact of the government’s relationship to the oil industry on the lives of the province’s most vulnerable citizens. They also examine the public policy environment and the entrenchment of neoliberal political ideology in the province. In probing the relationship between oil dependency and democracy in the context of an industrialized nation, Alberta Oil and the Decline of Democracy offers a crucial test of the “oil inhibits democracy” thesis that has hitherto been advanced in relation to oil-producing countries in the Global South. If reliance on oil production appears to undermine democratic participation and governance in Alberta, then what does the Alberta case suggest for the future of democracy in industrialized nations such as the United States and Australia, which are now in the process of exploiting their own substantial shale oil reserves? The environmental consequences of oil production have, for example, been the subject of much attention. Little is likely to change, however, if citizens of oil-rich countries cannot effectively intervene to influence government policy.
In this account of the Social Credit transformation, Alvin Finkel challenges earlier works which focus purely on Social Credit monetary fixations and religiosity.
