I should like to express my gratitude to some of the peopl e whose hel p and support made this wor k possible. Claudine Chaulet, Rachid Benattig, and the other staff members at the CREA institute in Algiers provided me with access to information for the original research and with an atmosphere of friendly encouragement and positive critical thinking. My friends, Dorothy and Mahfoud Bennoune, made my research trip to Algeria both pleasantly memorable and productive. Cynthia Taft Morris and James Paul provided badly needed critical commentary and encouragement on an earlier version of this work. The reformulation of that earlier work into this book subsequently benefited from critical readings by Robert Haddad and David Kotz. Betty Nanartonis and Letitia Sloan did a superb and dedicated job on the word processing. Ellen Dibble, Jackie Eghrari, and Lisa Ferrell performed vital editorial and secretarial services. And Mary Coppola created the map. Thank you, all, for your skill and patience.
Study of the economic implications and social implications of agrarian reform, esp. Land reform, in Algeria, 1965-1980 - considers the economic role of the agricultural sector; analyses the impact of the reform on land tenure, agrarian structure, rural employment and occupational structure, agricultural cooperative development, etc.; presents case studies of social change generated by the reforms in four localities of Northern Algeria; examines trends in agricultural policy. Map, references, statistical tables.
On 11 January 1992 senior military officers forced President Chadli Benjedid to resign; canceled the second round of legislative elections and annulled the results of the first round, which saw the opposition Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) achieve a major electoral victory; and imposed a year-long state of siege. Constitutional government was replaced by an army-dominated so-called Higher State Council responsive to no one but itself. In the weeks and months that followed further draconian measures were undertaken intended to subvert the incipient democratic process that Algeria had been experiencing in the several years following the deadly riots of October 1988. As part of the army's effort to regain control of state and society, it reined in the free-wheeling press, abolished the country's most popular political party (FIS), dissolved the National Assembly, and reimposed on civil society the apparatus of the omnipresent state security system (mukhabarat).
The surprising story of the wine industry’s role in the rise of French Algeria and the fall of empire. “We owe to wine a blessing far more precious than gold: the peopling of Algeria with Frenchmen,” stated agriculturist Pierre Berthault in the early 1930s. In the last decades of the nineteenth century, Europeans had displaced Algerians from the colony’s best agricultural land and planted grapevines. Soon enough, wine was the primary export of a region whose mostly Muslim inhabitants didn’t drink alcohol. Settlers made fortunes while drawing large numbers of Algerians into salaried work for the first time. But the success of Algerian wine resulted in friction with French producers, challenging the traditional view that imperial possessions should complement, not compete with, the metropole. By the middle of the twentieth century, amid the fight for independence, Algerians had come to see the rows of vines as an especially hated symbol of French domination. After the war, Algerians had to decide how far they would go to undo the transformations the colonists had wrought—including the world’s fourth-biggest wine industry. Owen White examines Algeria’s experiment with nationalized wine production in worker-run vineyards, the pressures that resulted in the failure of that experiment, and the eventual uprooting of most of the country’s vines. With a special focus on individual experiences of empire, from the wealthiest Europeans to the poorest laborers in the fields, The Blood of the Colony shows the central role of wine in the economic life of French Algeria and in its settler culture. White makes clear that the industry left a long-term mark on the development of the nation.
After over a century of intensive colonial rule and nearly eight years of revolutionary warfare, Algeria emerged in a state of total economic decrepitude and political backwardness. Yet in the two decades following independence in 1962 the country achieved a remarkable degree of political stability and economic growth. This book, first published in 1986, traces the shape of Algeria’s revolutionary experience through an analysis of the country’s culture, history, economy, politics, and foreign policy.
Despite 250 years of land reform all over the World, important land inequalities remain, especially in Latin America and Southern Africa.While in these countries, there is near consensus on the need for redistribution, much controversy persists around how to redistribute land peacefully and legally, often blocking progress on implementation.This book focuses on the "how" of land redistribution in order to forge greater consensus among land reform practitioners and enable them to make better choices on the mechanisms of land reform. Reviews and case studies describe and analyze the al.
From the dawning of the industrial epoch, wage earners have organized themselves into unions, fought bitter strikes, and gone so far as to challenge the very premises of the system by creating institutions of democratic self-management aimed at controlling production without bosses. With specific examples drawn from every corner of the globe and every period of modern history, this pathbreaking volume comprehensively traces this often underappreciated historical tradition. Ripe with lessons drawn from historical and contemporary struggles for workers’ control, Ours to Master and to Own is essential reading for those struggling to create a new world from the ashes of the old. Immanuel Ness is professor of political science at Brooklyn College, City University of New York, and edits WorkingUSA. Dario Azzellini is a writer, documentary director, and political scientist at Johannes Kepler University in Linz.
This study of rural development in six North African nations addresses the issues surrounding poverty and landlessness. Providing an Islamic perspective on policy-making, the author describes the influence of Islam on development in these countries, and stresses the Islamic religious and moral revival as a major factor in policy-making toward reduc
Stone provides a brief historical overview of Algeria since 1830 before focusing on three crucial phases of the postcolonial era: that of Ben Bella and Boumedienne; the reform era of Chadli Benjedid; and the political and economic crisis under the Higher States Committee (HCE). He examines the dominant state institutions--the army and the FLN--and outlines the increasingly bitter divisions, social and political, which account for the current crisis. Since the Algerian military annulled an election in January 1992 that would have brought to power the world's first democratically elected Islamist government, a civil war has raged in which more than 100,000 Algerians have died. The military takeover polarized the country between the political and military elite and the mass of the population. The elite were perceived as interested only in personal gain and holding on to power, while most Algerians faced intense hardship. But the brutality of the Islamists' insurgency--including car bombings, the murder of 'immodestly' dressed women, the assassination of intellectuals, and the wiping out of whole villages--has lost them support. Most Algerians no longer want the Islamic republicanism of the FIS or the millenarianism of the GIA. Martin Stone provides a brief overview of Algeria since 1830 before focusing on three crucial phases of the postcolonial era--those of Ben Bella, Boumedienne and the reformist Chadli Bendjedid; and the political and economic crisis under the Haut Comité d'État (HCE). He examines the donimant state institutions--the army and the FLN--and the increasingly bitter divisions behind the current conflict, especially the factionalism that has hampered ALgeria's attempts to realize its great potential. The book also deals with the large Berber minority, relations with France, the economic background, forgien policy, the 1997 elections, and the administration of President Lamine Zeroual. In conclusion it examines whether the state can reconcile the moderate, convservative Islam of the majority with the minorities on either pole--both Islamic radicals and secularists--and create a political landscape where genuine political pluralism can flourish and extremism be suppressed.
