This incisive study of the evolving world order argues that seven countries have changed the world during the twentieth century and predicts their continued centrality in the twenty-first.
At the end of the Cold War, the United States emerged as the world's most powerful state, and then used that power to initiate wars against smaller countries in the Middle East and South Asia. According to balance-of-power theory--the bedrock of realism in international relations--other states should have joined together militarily to counterbalance the United States' rising power. Yet they did not. Nor have they united to oppose Chinese aggression in the South China Sea or Russian offensives along its western border. This does not mean balance-of-power politics is dead, argues renowned international relations scholar T. V. Paul; instead it has taken a different form. Rather than employ familiar strategies such as active military alliances and arms buildups, leading powers have engaged in "soft balancing," which seeks to restrain threatening powers through the use of international institutions, informal alignments, and economic sanctions. Paul places the evolution of balancing behavior in historical perspective, from the post-Napoleonic era to today's globalized world. This book offers an illuminating examination of how subtler forms of balance-of-power politics can help states achieve their goals against aggressive powers without wars or arms races.
An Introduction to International Relations is a comprehensive introduction to the history, theories, developments and debates that shape the dynamic discipline of international relations and contemporary world politics. Bringing together an expert author team comprising leading academics from Australia and around the world, it allows readers to explore the discipline from both Australian and global perspectives. Known for its clear, easy-to-read style and relevant, real-world examples, the text has been fully updated and revised to reflect current research and the changing global political climate. This edition features extensive new material on: international history from World War I to World War II; international law; the globalisation of international society; and terrorism. A companion website for instructors offers additional case studies, critical thinking questions and links to relevant video and web materials that bring international relations theory to life.
In an imaginative and interesting way, Kwang Ho Chun seeks to capture the dynamics of the changing international system and the prospects for a change in the international distribution of power. The idea that new superpowers could rise and that some of the BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India and China) could be such superpowers, is particularly intriguing and the main idea explored in this study. In line with neo-realist approaches, this book argues that in a unipolar world competitors will rise to challenge the global hegemon. As the power profiles of the BRICs rise and they gain greater control of geo-global politics, they are likely to attain significant regional dominance among other regional powers although their underdeveloped tradition of hard power and internal challenges could prevent them from gaining superpower status. This book captures the dynamics of the changing international system and the prospects for a change in the international distribution of power.
In this powerful and provocative book, distinguished scholar Simon Serfaty vigorously argues that while it is possible, and even desirable, to acknowledge the passing of the Western era, it is exaggerated to present it as an irreversible decline of the United States and the rest of the West, relative to China and the rest of the Rest. Rather, he shows that the unfolding post-Western moment of zero-polarity will be messy, involving a dozen or more other countries. But Serfaty convincingly contends that even during this moment of geopolitical transition, American power remains superior, and thus.
This book aims to build the ideal model of China's grand strategy framework, which is based on three key variables: national power, strategic concept and international institution. Taking the rise of China as an opportunity, this book adopts the assessment of national strategic resources as the beginning, focuses on the evaluation of strategic capability, the choice of strategic orientation, the establishment of strategic objectives, the planning of strategic content and the implementation of strategic means. Further, following this main line, this book establishes a China's grand strategy framework based on active participation and integration-transformation-shaping process. This book emphasizes that to achieve the goals of China's grand strategy; China should uphold this strategic attitude: It should not be seduced by praise and should not be made aggressive by criticism. It should learn to be glorious but remain humble, maintain a wealthy, influential but modest position by restraint. This book can be regarded as the essence of the author's 20 years long-term focus and research on the China's grand strategy. The author's postdoctoral tutor Professor Hu Angang’s comment of this book can hit the nail on the head: "This book is a pioneering theoretical study of China's great strategic research and makes a significant contribution to this research field. The basic arguments of this book have been submitted through various approaches to decision-making references or published in academic papers, and have received numerous positive responses and resonance. In my opinion, the basic ideas and important findings of this book will provide imperative reference to long-term strategy decision-making process. In addition, the fundamental theory and analysis method of the book will have an important influence in both domestic and international academic field."
This book surveys US achievements and failures in the world across the 20th century. The analysis builds upon surveys of experts at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and several universities conducted over the last 25 years. The reasons for success and failure are subject to hot dispute. Walter Clemens argues that the individual traits of US leaders account for far more variation in outcomes than the domestic or international contexts. He concludes that the policy outcomes of the past century confirm the assumptions of mutual gain theory, complexity theory, and liberal peace theory. Clemens then uses his analysis to sketch alternative futures that could face planners in the early 21st century.
This study examines the record of French and EU interactions with China, Japan and Vietnam in the areas of economic exchanges, political security relations and human rights to establish if there has been a trend of converging 'European' politics and collective European conceptions of interest and identity. It argues that the utility and impact of EU institutions on French foreign policy behaviour is more significant than is commonly imagined or admitted, and that foreign policies of EU member states tend over the long term towards convergence.