Langan reclaims neo-colonialism as an analytical force for making sense of the failure of ‘development’ strategies in many African states in an era of free market globalisation. Eschewing polemics and critically engaging the work of Ghana’s first President – Kwame Nkrumah – the book offers a rigorous assessment of the concept of neo-colonialism. It then demonstrates how neo-colonialism remains an impediment to genuine empirical sovereignty and poverty reduction in Africa today. It does this through examination of corporate interventions; Western aid-giving; the emergence of ‘new’ donors such as China; EU-Africa trade regimes; the securitisation of development; and the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Throughout the chapters, it becomes clear that the current challenges of African development cannot be solely pinned on so-called neo-patrimonial elites. Instead it becomes imperative to fully acknowledge, and interrogate, corporate and donor interventions which lock many poorer countries into neo-colonial patterns of trade and production. The book provides an original contribution to studies of African political economy, demonstrating the on-going relevance of the concept of neo-colonialism, and reclaiming it for scholarly analysis in a global era.
Neocolonialism in West Africa addresses fundamental questions around multinationals and modern imperialist exploitation of West Africa's vast mineral and energy resources. It explains how capitalist corporations and western nations have been able to control the economy and resources of West Africa.
This is the book which, when first published in 1965, caused such an uproar in the US State Department that a sharp note of protest was sent to Kwame Nkrumah and the $25million of American "aid" to Ghana was promptly cancelled.
Since the end of colonization Africa has struggled with socio-economic and political problems. These challanges have attracted wealthy donors from Western nations and organizations that have assumed the roles of helper and deliverer. While some donors have good intentions, others seek to impose their ideology of sexual liberation. These are the ideological neocolonial masters of the twenty-first century who aggressively push their agenda of radical feminism, population control, sexualisation of children, and homosexuality. The author, a native of Nigeria, shows how these donors are masterful at exploiting some of the heaviest burdens and afflictions of Africa such as maternal mortality,unplanned pregnancies, HIV/AIDS pandemic, child marriage,and persistent poverty. This exploitation has put many African nations in the vulnerable position of receiving funding tied firmly to ideological solutions that are opposed tothe cultural views and values of their people. Thus many African nations are put back into the protectorate positions of dependency as new cultural standards conceived in the West are made into core policies in African capitals. This book reveals the recolonization of Africa that is rarely talked about. Drawing from a broad array of well-sourced materials and documents, it tells the story of foreign aid with strings attached, the story of Africa targeted and recolonized by wealthy, powerful donors.
LONGLISTED FOR THE 2019 NATIONAL BOOK AWARD FINALIST, 2020 PULITZER PRIZE IN HISTORY By the late 1960s and early 1970s, reeling from a wave of urban uprisings, politicians finally worked to end the practice of redlining. Reasoning that the turbulence could be calmed by turning Black city-dwellers into homeowners, they passed the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968, and set about establishing policies to induce mortgage lenders and the real estate industry to treat Black homebuyers equally. The disaster that ensued revealed that racist exclusion had not been eradicated, but rather transmuted into a new phenomenon of predatory inclusion. Race for Profit uncovers how exploitative real estate practices continued well after housing discrimination was banned. The same racist structures and individuals remained intact after redlining's end, and close relationships between regulators and the industry created incentives to ignore improprieties. Meanwhile, new policies meant to encourage low-income homeownership created new methods to exploit Black homeowners. The federal government guaranteed urban mortgages in an attempt to overcome resistance to lending to Black buyers – as if unprofitability, rather than racism, was the cause of housing segregation. Bankers, investors, and real estate agents took advantage of the perverse incentives, targeting the Black women most likely to fail to keep up their home payments and slip into foreclosure, multiplying their profits. As a result, by the end of the 1970s, the nation's first programs to encourage Black homeownership ended with tens of thousands of foreclosures in Black communities across the country. The push to uplift Black homeownership had descended into a goldmine for realtors and mortgage lenders, and a ready-made cudgel for the champions of deregulation to wield against government intervention of any kind. Narrating the story of a sea-change in housing policy and its dire impact on African Americans, Race for Profit reveals how the urban core was transformed into a new frontier of cynical extraction.
Accra, 1958. Africa’s liberation leaders have gathered for a conference, full of strength, purpose and vision. Newly independent Ghana’s Kwame Nkrumah and Congo’s Patrice Lumumba strike up a close partnership. Everything seems possible. But, within a few years, both men will have been targeted by the CIA, and their dream of true African autonomy undermined. The United States, watching the Europeans withdraw from Africa, was determined to take control. Pan-Africanism was inspiring African Americans fighting for civil rights; the threat of Soviet influence over new African governments loomed; and the idea of an atomic reactor in black hands was unacceptable. The conclusion was simple: the US had to ‘recapture’ Africa, in the shadows, by any means necessary. Renowned historian Susan Williams dives into the archives, revealing new, shocking details of America’s covert programme in Africa. The CIA crawled over the continent, poisoning the hopes of 1958 with secret agents and informants; surreptitious UN lobbying; cultural infiltration and bribery; assassinations and coups. As the colonisers moved out, the Americans swept in—with bitter consequences that reverberate in Africa to this day
The fact that 50% of the world's currently impoverished is African is a calculated result of European and American neocolonialism in Africa, a concept Dr. Walter Rodney could only began to analyze. What he did thoroughly recognize is that "in order to understand present economic conditions in Africa, one needs to know why it is that Africa has realized so little of its natural potential, and one also needs to know why so much of its present wealth goes to non-Africans who reside for the most part outside of the continent." I wrote this book for two reasons. One, Walter Rodney's How Europe Underdeveloped Africa is arguably the most brilliant and influential book I've personally ever read. As a social studies teacher, I can't teach a world history, economics, or global issues lesson without somehow referring to it. Same thing goes for many of the books I've written. However, with all due respect to Dr. Rodney who himself even realized that "ideally an analysis of underdevelopment should come even closer to the present than the end of the colonial period in the 1960s. The phenomenon of neo-colonialism cries out for extensive investigation in order to formulate the strategy and tactics of African emancipation and development. [How Europe Underdeveloped Africa] does not go that far," but How Europe and America Are Still Underdeveloping Africa does. Moreover, several current issues related to neocolonial underdevelopment in Africa, which are again beyond the scope of Rodney's original volume, need special emphasis, such as the tyrannical role of the International Monetary Fund and its Structural Adjustment Policies, the assassinations of several socialist African leaders like Muammar Gaddafi, water privatization, the external debt crisis, global warming, environmental racism, the scramble for African oil, genetically modified food with "Terminator" technology, land grabbing for agrofuel production and export, AFRICOM, endemic African-on-African violence, joblessness, food insecurity and imported food dependency, father hunger, endemic HIV/AIDS, toxic waste colonialism, and hazardous drug trials led by and for the principal benefit of Western pharmaceutical companies. Two, is the impact of the image of Africa accepted by African-Americans on our collective self-concept. The image of Africa internalized by African-Americans largely determines our self-concept and self-confidence, and if that image is egregiously negative, then we, especially African-Americans, should have access to the true reasons why this image exists. The situations that this negativity is based on are often blamed on corrupt, rapacious, immoral African leaders and the haplessly apathetic African masses, with little if any mention of the fact that European and American governments and multinational corporations are still intentionally underdeveloping Africa.
Architectural relics of nineteenth- and twentieth-century European and Japanese colonialism -- actively exploited and experienced neocolonialist sites of memory -- dot cityscapes throughout our globalizing world, just as built traces of colonialism remain embedded within the urban fabric of many European capitals. Neocolonialism and Built Heritage addresses the sustained presence and influence of historic built environments and processes inherited from colonialism within the contemporary lives of cities in Africa, Asia, and Europe. Novel in their focused consideration of ways in which these built environments reinforce neocolonialist connections among former colonies and colonizers, states and international organizations, the volume's case studies engage highly relevant issues such as historic preservation, heritage management, tourism, toponymy, and cultural imperialism. Interrogating the life of the past in the present, authors thus challenge readers to consider the roles played by a diversity of historic built environments in the ongoing asymmetrical balance of power and unequal distribution capital around the globe. They present buildings' maintenance, management, reuse, and (re)interpretation, and in so doing they raise important questions, the ramifications of which transcend the specifics of the individual sites and architectural histories they present.
This book investigates the expanding involvement of China in security cooperation in Africa. Drawing on leading and emerging scholars in the field, the volume uses a combination of analytical insights and case studies to unpack the complexity of security challenges confronting China and the continent. It interrogates how security considerations impact upon the growing economic and social links China has developed with African states.
