Examines the evolution of US foreign policy toward the Third World, and the policy challenges facing developing nations in the post-Cold War era. This book provides information and insight on US policy objectives, and considers whether anti-Western sentiment in Third World regions is a result of US foreign policies since the end of the Cold War.
The contributors to this work examine the evolution of U.S. foreign policy toward the Third World, and the new policy challenges facing developing nations in the post-Cold War era. The book incorporates the key assessment standards of U.S. foreign policies directed toward critical regions, including Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, Central Asia, and Southeast Asia. Through this region-by-region analysis, readers will get the information and insight needed to fully understand U.S. policy objectives - especially with regard to economic and security issues in the wake of 9/11 - vis a vis the developing world. The book outlines both successes and failures of Washington, as it seeks to deal with the Third World in a new era of terrorism, trade, and democratic enlargement. It also considers whether anti-Western sentiment in Third World regions is a direct result of U.S. foreign policies since the end of the Cold War.
Interventionism—the manipulation of the internal politics of one country by another—has long been a feature of international relations. The practice shows no signs of abating, despite the recent collapse of Communism and the decline of the Cold War. In The Political Economy of Third World Intervention, David Gibbs explores the factors that motivate intervention, especially the influence of business interests. He challenges conventional views of international relations, eschewing both the popular "realist" view that the state is influenced by diverse national interests and the "dependency" approach that stresses conflicts between industrialized countries and the Third World. Instead, Gibbs proposes a new theoretical model of "business conflict" which stresses divisions between different business interests and shows how such divisions can influence foreign policy and interventionism. Moreover, he focuses on the conflicts among the core countries, highlighting friction among private interests within these countries. Drawing on U.S. government documents—including a wealth of newly declassified materials—he applies his new model to a detailed case study of the Congo Crisis of the 1960s. Gibbs demonstrates that the Crisis is more accurately characterized by competition among Western interests for access to the Congo's mineral wealth, than by Cold War competition, as has been previously argued. Offering a fresh perspective for understanding the roots of any international conflict, this remarkably accessible volume will be of special interest to students of international political economy, comparative politics, and business-government relations. "This book is an extremely important contribution to the study of international relations theory; Gibbs' treatment of the Congo case is superb. He effectively takes the "statists" to task and presents a compelling new way of analyzing external interventions in the Third World."—Michael G. Schatzberg, University of Wisconsin "David Gibbs makes an original and important contribution to our understanding of the influence of business interests in the making of U.S. foreign policy. His business conflict model provides a synthetic theoretical framework for the analysis of business-government relations, one which yields fresh insights, overcomes inconsistencies in other approaches, and opens new ground for important research. . . . [Gibbs] provides a sophisticated analysis of the conflicts within the U.S. business community and identifies the complex ways in which they interacted with agencies within the government to form U.S. foreign policy toward the Congo. . . . This is a well-crafted analysis of a critical case of U.S. postwar intervention which should be of general interest to scholars and others concerned with the domestic bases of foreign policy."—Thomas J. Biersteker, Director, School of International Relations, University of Southern California
In Global Inequality and American Foreign Policy in the 1970s, Michael Franczak demonstrates how Third World solidarity around the New International Economic Order (NIEO) forced US presidents from Richard Nixon to Ronald Reagan to consolidate American hegemony over an international economic order under attack abroad and lacking support at home. The goal of the nations that supported NIEO was to negotiate a redistribution of money and power from the global North to the global South. Their weapon was control over the major commodities—in particular oil—that undergirded the prosperity of the United States and Europe after World War II. Using newly available archival sources, as well as interviews with key administration officials, Franczak reveals how the NIEO and "North-South dialogue" negotiations brought global inequality to the forefront of US national security. The challenges posed by NIEO became an inflection point for some of the greatest economic, political, and moral crises of 1970s America, including the end of golden age liberalism and the return of the market, the splintering of the Democratic Party and the building of the Reagan coalition, and the rise of human rights in US foreign policy in the wake of the Vietnam War. The policy debates and decisions toward the NIEO were pivotal moments in the histories of three ideological trends—neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and human rights—that formed the core of America's post–Cold War foreign policy.
As American interests assumed global proportions after 1945, policy makers were faced with the challenge of prioritizing various regions and determining the extent to which the United States was prepared to defend and support them. Superpowers and developing nations soon became inextricably linked and decolonizing states such as Vietnam, India, and Egypt assumed a central role in the ideological struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. As the twentieth century came to an end, many of the challenges of the Cold War became even more complex as the Soviet Union collapsed and new threats arose. Featuring original essays by leading scholars, Foreign Policy at the Periphery examines relationships among new nations and the United States from the end of the Second World War through the global war on terror. Rather than reassessing familiar flashpoints of US foreign policy, the contributors explore neglected but significant developments such as the efforts of evangelical missionaries in the Congo, the 1958 stabilization agreement with Argentina, Henry Kissinger's policies toward Latin America during the 1970s, and the financing of terrorism in Libya via petrodollars. Blending new, internationalist approaches to diplomatic history with newly released archival materials, Foreign Policy at the Periphery brings together diverse strands of scholarship to address compelling issues in modern world history.
Seminar paper from the year 2005 in the subject Politics - Region: USA, grade: A, American University of Central Asia, language: English, abstract: This research focuses on the United States’ foreign policy in the Third World (meaning here not industrialized, mainly poor countries) and its use of words (internetional law and diplomacy) and deeds (coercive diplomacy and military intervention). The numerous historical examples reveal the treacherous nature of American Foreign Policy, because the USA prefers the law of force rather than the force of law for the sake of its own interests. The examples of the invasion of Grenada, Libya, and Nicaragua support the argument that the USA is ready to use force and go against international law to pursue its own national interest. Contrary to its claims of being the fighter for democracy and human rights in the world, America does protect it only when it is convenient to it and when it can somehow benefit from spending money on the liberation operations. However, it is vital to keep in mind that being a rational player the USA invaded only militarily weak countries.
Worship elevates us into God's presence, renews our spirits, and expresses our deepest love for our Savior. Yet worship can also be a call to arms, a battle cry, a salvo in an ancient spiritual struggle. Acclaimed songwriter Brian Doerksen believes that God is calling us to both love and to battle. To spread peace and wage spiritual warfare. We do this through how we live, how we serve Him, and how we protect and fight for what matters most. For Brian, music was his answer to this provocative call. Now Brian shares the stories and inspirations behind some of today's most acclaimed songs of worship, including "Come, Now is the Time to Worship," "Hallelujah (Your Love is Amazing)," and "With All My Affection." Brian shares rich truths and insights that informed twelve of his greatest songs, and offers special tips for aspiring songwriters. Readers will be encouraged to wage spiritual war and share His love through a life of radical worship.
Winning the Third World examines afresh the intense and enduring rivalry between the United States and China during the Cold War. Gregg A. Brazinsky shows how both nations fought vigorously to establish their influence in newly independent African and Asian countries. By playing a leadership role in Asia and Africa, China hoped to regain its status in world affairs, but Americans feared that China's history as a nonwhite, anticolonial nation would make it an even more dangerous threat in the postcolonial world than the Soviet Union. Drawing on a broad array of new archival materials from China and the United States, Brazinsky demonstrates that disrupting China's efforts to elevate its stature became an important motive behind Washington's use of both hard and soft power in the "Global South." Presenting a detailed narrative of the diplomatic, economic, and cultural competition between Beijing and Washington, Brazinsky offers an important new window for understanding the impact of the Cold War on the Third World. With China's growing involvement in Asia and Africa in the twenty-first century, this impressive new work of international history has an undeniable relevance to contemporary world affairs and policy making.
U.S. President Harry Truman reportedly hoped that he would be remembered after fifty years for the Point Four Program. Truman is remembered for many things but the Point Four Program does not raise to the top of most lists. What was it and why is it significant? This new book examines the details of this active instrument of American foreign policy. It provides a thorough study of the methods and means employed in developing this now largely -- forgotten program which was instrumental in helping extend American power abroad.
