As the insurgency continues to plague Iraq and coalition forces struggle to maintain control, this book seeks to answer the question of how the Iraq War came about.
Twice in a decade, Iraq marched to war: in 1980, invading Iran to start an eight-year-long slaughter; and in 1990, seizing Kuwait in a crisis pitting it against America and an international coalition. These actions shifted a little-known country to the very center of world affairs.
A chronicle of the period between the Vietnam and Iraq wars makes cautionary observations about America's role in the Middle East, evaluating how shifting foreign policies and efforts to establish an American presence rendered the Iraq war an inevitable outcome of half a century of questionable agendas. 20,000 first printing.
The Road to War examines how presidential commitments can lead to the use of American military force, and to war. Marvin Kalb notes that since World War II, "presidents have relied more on commitments, public and private, than they have on declarations of war, even though the U.S. Constitution declares rather unambiguously that Congress has the responsibility to "declare" war.
The Iraq war "e; its causes, agency and execution "e; has been shrouded in an ideological mist. Now, Muhammad Idrees Ahmad dispels the myths surrounding the war, taking a sociological approach to establish the war's causes, identify its agents and describe how it was sold. Ahmad presents a social history of the war's leading agents "e; the neoconservatives "e; and shows how this ideologically coherent group of determined political agents used the contingency of 9/11 to overwhelm a sceptical foreign policy establishment, military brass and intelligence apparatus, propelling the US into a war that a significant portion of the public opposed. The book includes an historical exploration of American militarism and of the increased post-WWII US role in the Middle East, as well as a reconsideration of the debates that John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt sparked after the publication of 'The Israel lobby and US Foreign Policy'.
“Essential . . . one for the ages . . . a must read for all who care about presidential power.” —The Washington Post “Authoritative . . . The most comprehensive account yet of that smoldering wreck of foreign policy, one that haunts us today.” —LA Times One of BookPage's Best Books of 2020 To Start a War paints a vivid and indelible picture of a decision-making process that was fatally compromised by a combination of post-9/11 fear and paranoia, rank naïveté, craven groupthink, and a set of actors with idées fixes who gamed the process relentlessly. Everything was believed; nothing was true. Robert Draper’s fair-mindedness and deep understanding of the principal actors suffuse his account, as does a storytelling genius that is close to sorcery. There are no cheap shots here, which makes the ultimate conclusion all the more damning. In the spirit of Barbara W. Tuchman’s The Guns of August and Marc Bloch’s Strange Defeat, To Start A War will stand as the definitive account of a collective scurrying for evidence that would prove to be not just dubious but entirely false—evidence that was then used to justify a verdict that led to hundreds of thousands of deaths and a flood tide of chaos in the Middle East that shows no signs of ebbing.
In Deceit on the Road to War, John M. Schuessler examines how U.S. presidents have deceived the American public about fundamental decisions of war and peace. Deception has been deliberate, he suggests, as presidents have sought to shift blame for war onto others in some cases and oversell its benefits in others. Such deceit is a natural outgrowth of the democratic process, in Schuessler's view, because elected leaders have powerful incentives to maximize domestic support for war and retain considerable ability to manipulate domestic audiences. They can exploit information and propaganda advantages to frame issues in misleading ways, cherry-pick supporting evidence, suppress damaging revelations, and otherwise skew the public debate to their benefit. These tactics are particularly effective before the outbreak of war, when the information gap between leaders and the public is greatest.When resorting to deception, leaders take a calculated risk that the outcome of war will be favorable, expecting the public to adopt a forgiving attitude after victory is secured. The three cases featured in the book—Franklin Roosevelt and World War II, Lyndon Johnson and the Vietnam War, and George W. Bush and the Iraq War—test these claims. Schuessler concludes that democracies are not as constrained in their ability to go to war as we might believe and that deception cannot be ruled out in all cases as contrary to the national interest.
By virtually any means of measurement, postwar Iraq has become a more bloodied and embattled settlement than ever envisaged. But were the seeds of these problems sown long before military force had been committed? This lucid and detailed examination of US foreign policy evaluates the continuity and divergence in the strategies of the Bush, Clinton and Bush Jr administrations and their efforts to respond to the Iraqi threat, and how those strategies have bequeathed a legacy of problems to those trying to rebuild a postwar Iraq. Offering the most comprehensive analysis of the dynamics that paved the way for renewed conflict in Iraq, the book provides a descriptive account of attempts to confront a host of political pressures, from the need for international cooperation in postwar Iraq, to dealing with the influx of foreign fighters and their quest to force American withdrawal. This essential volume provides analysts, observers and policy makers with guidelines and prescriptions about the future of postwar Iraq and detailed analysis of lessons learned both during and after the military and reconstruction phases.