- Original research and unprecedented knowledge provided about the conscientious objectors from Wales during the Great War. - In-depth original description and analysis of the activity of the pacifist anti-war movement in Wales and its extent, including the activity of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and key chapels and ministers. - In depth original description and analysis of the political anti-war movement, including the Independent Labour Party and the left within the South Wales Miners Federation. It assesses the impact of the the anti-war movement in key areas in Wales such as Merthyr Tydfil and Briton Ferry, where the ILP was strongest.
- Original research and unprecedented knowledge provided about the conscientious objectors from Wales during the Great War. - In-depth original description and analysis of the activity of the pacifist anti-war movement in Wales and its extent, including the activity of the Fellowship of Reconciliation and key chapels and ministers. - In depth original description and analysis of the political anti-war movement, including the Independent Labour Party and the left within the South Wales Miners Federation. It assesses the impact of the the anti-war movement in key areas in Wales such as Merthyr Tydfil and Briton Ferry, where the ILP was strongest.
The first book aimed at the general reader that deals comprehensively with Wales and the First World War in English and includes extracts from diaries and letters not previously published.
The book takes a literary-historical approach to its subject which opens up new perspectives on the history of peace and pacifism in Wales which historical approaches alone have overlooked. It includes English- and Welsh-language texts and highlights the interdependence of English and Welsh culture in Wales. Quotations from Welsh-language texts are given in Welsh and in English translation to assist readers who are not Welsh speakers. The reader is introduced to the changing nature of pacifism, peace and anti-warism and how these terms have acquired different meanings over time. The historical narrative is designed to make this scholarship more accessible to the reader who is not a specialist in peace studies. The arguments of the book are illustrated and developed in accessible but original readings of key Welsh writers on peace and pacifism.
While a plethora of studies have discussed why so many men decided to volunteer for the army during the Great War, the experiences of those who were called up under conscription have received relatively little scrutiny. Even when the implementation of the respective Military Service Acts has been investigated, scholars have usually focused on only the distinct minority of those eligible who expressed conscientious objections. It is rare to see equal significance placed on the fact that substantial numbers of men appealed, or were appealed for, on the grounds that their domestic, business, or occupational circumstances meant they should not be expected to serve. David Littlewood analyses the processes undergone by these men, and the workings of the bodies charged with assessing their cases, through a sustained transnational comparison of the British and New Zealand contexts.
The course of events of the Great War has been told many times, spurred by an endless desire to understand 'the war to end all wars'. However, this book moves beyond military narrative to offer a much fuller analysis of of the conflict's strategic, political, economic, social and cultural impact. Starting with the context and origins of the war, including assasination, misunderstanding and differing national war aims, it then covers the treacherous course of the conflict and its social consequences for both soldiers and civilians, for science and technology, for national politics and for pan-European revolution. The war left a long-term legacy for victors and vanquished alike. It created new frontiers, changed the balance of power and influenced the arts, national memory and political thought. The reach of this acount is global, showing how a conflict among European powers came to involve their colonial empires, and embraced Japan, China, the Ottoman Empire, Latin America and the United States.
In this, his most famous work, Marc Ferro looks at the realities faced by the millions who fought in the Great War and their families at home. In doing so, he presents us with one of the most significant reappraisals of the war ever written.Marc Ferro's most famous work, The Great War looks at the realities faced by those men and their families at home. Mapping tensions old and new, he offers an overview to the Great War that is unrivalled in vision or in scope.From detailing the meteoric rise of the bureaucratic classes prior to 1914, to charting the horrors of trench warfare, Ferro travels well beyond the remit of 'historian'. In particular he documents the reactions of the warring countries' socialist and labour organisations to the conflict.By doing so, Ferro has presented us with one of the most significant reappraisals of the Great War ever to be written, one that rightfully takes its place as a Routledge Classic.
In this book, the authors cover both familiar and unfamiliar themes. One of the principal themes running throughout the book addresses head-on the deficiency in the literature highlighted by Saul Dubow, namely, the question of racism and Smuts’s reluctance to implement ‘native’ policies that may have averted future problems, rather than postpone them. We see throughout, a gap between the rhetoric and policy, and between policy and practice in its implementation. Amongst the familiar themes that are reappraised, are Smuts’s successes and failures in policies and leadership, domestically and internationally. ‘This wide-ranging volume re-evaluates myriad aspects of Smuts’ life, philosophy, political career and legacy. An important and timely book exploring one of South Africa’s most consequential and controversial leaders.’ Luc-Andre Brunet – Contemporary International History, The Open University. The book is a great contribution to South African cultural and social history. With the military element covered in other publications, the editors and authors have focussed on the less well-trodden aspects of Smuts’s history including but not limited to discussions on the atomic bomb, counter-revolution, film, early cabinets, racialism, trusteeship, ‘greatness’, political philosophy, racial segregation, and myth-making. The editors have skilfully continued the longer political discussion, reflecting on the myth and legacy of a prominent South African - Smuts. Antonio Garcia, Stellenbosch University, coauthor of Botha, Smuts and the First World War, co-founder Underground Strategy.
The centenary of the outbreak of the First World War may be commemorated by some as a great moment of national history. But the standard history of Britain’s choice for war is far from the truth. Using a wide range of sources, including the personal papers of many of the key figures, some for the first time, historian Douglas Newton presents a new, dramatic narrative. He interleaves the story of those pressing for a choice for war with the story of those resisting Britain’s descent into calamity. He shows how the decision to go to war was rushed, in the face of vehement opposition, in the Cabinet and Parliament, in the Liberal and Labour press, and in the streets. There was no democratic decision for war. The history of this opposition has been largely erased from the record, yet it was crucial to what actually happened in August 1914. Two days before the declaration of war four members of the Cabinet resigned in protest at the war party’s manipulation of the crisis. The government almost disintegrated. Meanwhile large crowds gathered in Trafalgar Square to hear the case for neutrality and peace. Yet this cry was ignored by the government. Meanwhile, elements of the press, the Foreign Office, and the Tory Opposition sought to browbeat the government into a quick decision. Belgium had little to do with it. The key decision to enter the war was made before Belgium was invaded. Those bellowing for hostilities were eager for Britain to enter any war in solidarity with Russia and France – for the future safety of the British Empire. In particular Newton shows how Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, Foreign Minister Sir Edward Grey, and First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill colluded to pre-empt the decisions of Cabinet, to manipulate the parliament, and to hurry the nation toward intervention by any means necessary.
In the English-speaking world the Great War maintains a tenacious grip on the public imagination, and also continues to draw historians to an event which has been interpreted variously as a symbol of modernity, the midwife to the twentieth century and an agent of social change. Although much 'common knowledge' about the war and its aftermath has included myth, simplification and generalisation, this has often been accepted uncritically by popular and academic writers alike. While Britain may have suffered a surfeit of war books, many telling much the same story, there is far less written about the impact of the Great War in other combatant nations. Its history was long suppressed in both fascist Italy and the communist Soviet Union: only recently have historians of Russia begun to examine a conflict which killed, maimed and displaced so many millions. Even in France and Germany the experience of 1914-18 has often been overshadowed by the Second World War. The war's social history is now ripe for reassessment and revision. The essays in this volume incorporate a European perspective, engage with the historiography of the war, and consider how the primary textural, oral and pictorial evidence has been used - or abused. Subjects include the politics of shellshock, the impact of war on women, the plight of refugees, food distribution in Berlin and portrait photography, all of which illuminate key debates in war history.
