The history of indigenous political action in Canada is long, hard-fought, and little told. By the mid-1900s, Native peoples across western Canada were actively involved in their own political unions in a drive to be heard outside their own, often isolated, reserve communities. In Alberta, Johnny Callihoo and Metis leader Malcolm Norris founded the Indian Association of Alberta (IAA), which came to represent a large body of treaty Indian peoples across the province.
Aboriginal people in Canada took hope with the election of Pierre Trudeau's Liberals in 1968. They were outraged when the White Paper introduced by Minister of Indian and Northern Affairs Jean Chretien a year later amounted to an assimilation program: the repeal of the Indian Act, the transfer of Indian affairs to the provinces, and the elimination of separate legal status for Native people. The Unjust Society, Cree leader Harold Cardinal's stinging rebuttal, was an immediate best-seller, and it remains one of the most important books ever published in Canada. Possessed of a wicked gift for satire, Cardinal summed up the government's approach as "The only good Indian is a non-Indian". He coined the term "buckskin curtain" to describe the barriers that indifference, ignorance, and bigotry had placed in the way of his people. He insisted on his right to remain "a red tile in the Canadian mosaic". Above all, he called for radical changes in policy on aboriginal rights, education, social programs, and economic development. The Unjust Society heralded a profound change in the political landscape. Thirty years later, however, the buckskin curtain has still not disappeared. Canada's First Nations continue their fight for justice. And Harold Cardinal's vision is as compelling and powerful as ever.
Base closures, use of airspace for weapons testing and low-level flying, environmental awareness, and Aboriginal land claims have focused attention in recent years on the use of Native lands for military training. But is the military's interest in Aboriginal lands new? Battle Grounds analyzes a century of government-Aboriginal interaction and negotiation to explore how the Canadian military came to use Aboriginal lands for training. It examines what the process reveals about the larger and evolving relationship between governments and Aboriginal communities and how increasing Aboriginal assertiveness and activism have affected the issue.
The first history of the battered women's shelter movement in Canada, No Place to Go traces the development of transition houses and services for abused women and the campaign that made wife battering a political issue. Nancy Janovicek focuses on women's groups in small cities and rural communities, examining anti-violence activism in Thunder Bay, Kenora, Nelson, and Moncton. She also pays close attention to Aboriginal women in northwestern Ontario, where the connections between family violence and the devaluation of indigenous culture in Canadian society complicated effots to end domestic violence. This book lays bare the aims and challenges of establishing women's shelters in non-urban areas. The local histories presented here show how transition houses became hubs in a larger movement to change attitudes about domestic violence and to lobby for legislation to protect women.
Based on decades of extensive archival research, Seen but Not Seen uncovers a great swath of previously-unknown information about settler-Indigenous relations in Canada.
This collection of many voices develops more deeply and exhaustively the issues raised in the editors’ earlier volume, Pathways to Self-Determination. It contains some twenty-three papers from representatives of the aboriginal people’s organizations, of governments, and of a variety of academic disciplines, along with introductions and an epilogue by the editors and appendices of the key constitutional documents from 1763. The contributors represent a broad cross-section of tribal, geographic, and organizational perspectives. They discuss constitutional questions such as land rights, the concerns of Metis, non-status Indians, and Inuit; and native rights in broad contexts – historical, legal/constitutional, political, regional, and international. The issue of aboriginal rights and of what these rights mean in terms of land and sovereignty has become increasingly important on the Canadian political agenda. The constitutional conferences between government and aboriginal peoples have revealed the gulf between what each side means by aboriginal rights: for the Indians these rights are meaningless without sovereign self-government, an idea the federal and provincial governments are not willing to entertain. Somewhere in the middle lies the concept of nationhood status. Ultimately, the aboriginal peoples are asking for justice from the dominant society around them; if it is denied or felt to be denied, the editors conclude, the consequences for the Canadian self-concept would be costly and debilitating. The twenty-four contributors provide a find guide to this profound and complex problem, whose solution depends on our understanding and our political wisdom.
Red Man's Land/White Man's Law is a history of the legal status of the American Indians and their land from the period of first contact with Europeans down to the present day. It begins with the efforts of colonial authorities-Spanish, British, and French-to deal with tribal sovereignty and carries the discussion of U. S. -Indian legal relations through the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Tribal sovereignty was eroded from the very beginning, but more recently it has emerged as a powerful force in American and Canadian law and touches upon many current legal issues, such as land allotment and land claims; definitions of Indian status; hunting, fishing, and water rights; and tribal relations with Congress, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and the Canadian government. First published in 1971, this second edition contains a new preface and an extensive afterword discussing important legal events and issues in the last twenty-five years, making this a complete, up-to-date survey of legal relations between the United States and the American Indian.
Forging Alberta’s Constitutional Framework analyzes the principal events and processes that precipitated the emergence and formation of the law and legal culture of Alberta from the foundation of the Hudson’s Bay in 1670 until the eve of the centenary of the Province in 2005. The formation of Alberta’s constitution and legal institutions was by no means a simple process by which English and Canadian law was imposed upon a receptive and passive population. Challenges to authority, latent lawlessness, interaction between indigenous and settler societies, periods (pre- and post-1905) of jurisdictional confusion, and demands for individual, group, and provincial rights and recognitions are as much part of Alberta’s legal history as the heroic and mythic images of an emergent and orderly Canadian west patrolled from the outset by red coated mounted police and peopled by peaceful and law-abiding subjects of the Crown. Papers focus on the development of criminal law in the Canadian west in the nineteenth century; the Natural Resources Transfer Agreement of 1930; the National Energy Program of the 1980s; Federal-Provincial relations; and the role and responsibilities of the offices of Justices of the Peace and of the Lieutenant-Governor; and the legacies of the Lougheed and Klein governments.
A Canadian bestseller and winner of the 2016 Canadian Historical Association Aboriginal History Book Prize, Unsettling Canada is a landmark text built on a unique collaboration between two First Nations leaders. Arthur Manuel (1951–2017) was one of the most forceful advocates for Indigenous title and rights in Canada; Grand Chief Ron Derrickson, one of the most successful Indigenous businessmen in the country. Together, they bring a fresh perspective and bold new ideas to Canada’s most glaring piece of unfinished business: the place of Indigenous peoples within the country’s political and economic space. This vital second edition features a foreword by award-winning activist Naomi Klein and an all-new chapter co-authored by Law professor Nicole Schabus and Manuel’s daughter, Kanahus, honouring the multi-generational legacy of the Manuel family’s work.
