Technocracy, loosely defined, is "rule by experts." Technocracy at Work focuses on the organizational dimensions and aspects of technocracy. Substantial sociological literatures have analyzed contemporary changes in factories, bureaucracies, and professional organizations. What has not been well investigated is the interrelatedness of these changes and the emergence of technocracy in the workplace. This book fills this gap and analyzes the social and political implications of technocracy, in both particular work organizations as well as the world-wide technocratic system, so as to inform future democratic debate.
Technocracy, loosely defined, is "rule by experts." Technocracy at Work focuses on the organizational dimensions and aspects of technocracy. Substantial sociological literatures have analyzed contemporary changes in factories, bureaucracies, and professional organizations. What has not been well investigated is the interrelatedness of these changes and the emergence of technocracy in the workplace. This book fills this gap and analyzes the social and political implications of technocracy, in both particular work organizations as well as the world-wide technocratic system, so as to inform future democratic debate.
American democracy just isn't good enough anymore. A costly election has done more to divide American society than unite it, while trust in government--and democracy itself--is plummeting. But there are better systems out there, and America would be wise to learn from them. In this provocative manifesto, globalization scholar Parag Khanna tours cutting-edge nations from Switzerland to Singapore to reveal the inner workings that allow them that lead the way in managing the volatility of a fast-changing world while delivering superior welfare and prosperity for their citizens. The ideal form of government for the complex 21st century is what Khanna calls a "direct technocracy," one led by experts but perpetually consulting the people through a combination of democracy and data. From a seven-member presidency and a restructured cabinet to replacing the Senate with an Assembly of Governors, Technocracy in America is full of sensible proposals that have been proven to work in the world's most successful societies. Americans have a choice for whom they elect president, but they should not wait any longer to redesign their political system following Khanna's pragmatic vision.
Over the past 25 years, Jürgen Habermas has presented whatis arguably the most coherent and wide-ranging defence of theproject of European unification and of parallel developmentstowards a politically integrated world society. In developing hiskey concepts of the transnationalisation of democracy and theconstitutionalisation of international law, Habermas offers themain players in the struggles over the fate of the European Union(the politicians, the political parties and the publics of themember states) a way out of the current economic and politicalcrisis, should they choose to follow it. In the title essay Habermas addresses the challenges and threatsposed by the current banking and public debt crisis in the Eurozonefor European unification. He is harshly critical of theincrementalist, technocratic policies advocated by the Germangovernment in particular, which are being imposed at the expense ofthe populations of the economically weaker, crisis-strickencountries and are undermining solidarity between the member states.He argues that only if the technocratic approach is replaced by adeeper democratization of the European institutions can theEuropean Union fulfil its promise as a model for how rampant marketcapitalism can once again be brought under political control at thesupranational level. This volume reflects the impressive scope of Habermas?s recentwritings on European themes, including theoretical treatments ofthe complex legal and political issues at stake, interventions oncurrent affairs, and reflections on the lives and works of majorEuropean philosophers and intellectuals. Together the essaysprovide eloquent testimony to the enduring relevance of the work ofone of the most influential and far-sighted public intellectuals inthe world today, and are essential reading for all philosophers,legal scholars and social scientists interested in European andglobal issues.
This study focuses on the genesis and development of the Technocrats' philosophy, and describes the movement's initial popularity in 1932 abd 1933, and its rapid decline as a result of the Technocrats' failure to develop a political philosophy which could reconcile their technological aristocracy with democracy.
The origins of technocracy are shrouded in controversy, but most of its leaders were inspired by their association with the social critic Thorstein Veblen, between 1919 and 1921. Harold Loeb, an expatriate in Paris in the 1920s, was one of the more accomplished and interesting of the technocrats. In Life in a Technocracy, now a twentieth-century utopian classic, he expounds on the merits of creating a utopian society through technocracy, predicting the future of art, education, religion, and government under the leadership of technical professionals.
"TECHNOCRATS OF THE IMAGINATION traces the rise of collaborative art and technology labs in the U.S. from WWII to the present. Ryan Bishop and John Beck reveal the intertwined histories of the avant-garde art movement and the military-industrial complex, showing how radical pedagogical practices traveled from Germany's Bauhaus movement to the U.S. art world and interacted with government-funded military research and development in university laboratories. During the 1960s both media labs and studio labs leaned heavily on methods of interdisciplinary collaboration and the power of American modernity to model new modes of social organization. The book's chapters take up MIT's Center for Art, Science, and Technology, Bell Labs's E.A.T. (Experiments in Art and Technology) Salon, and Los Angeles Museum of Art's Art + Technology Program. Their interconnected history illuminates how much of contemporary media culture and aesthetics depends on the historical relationship between military, corporate, and university actors. In light of revived interest in Black Mountain College and other 1960s art and technology labs, this book draws important connections between the contemporary art world and the militarized lab model of research that has dominated the sciences since the 1950s. The authors situate the rise of collaborative art and technology projects in the 1960s within John Dewey's ideology of scientific democracy, showing how leading thinkers from the Bauhaus movement in Germany immigrated to the U.S. and brought with them a Deweyan model for collaborative and interdisciplinary art and technology research. Over the course of the decade, the U.S. government increased funding to scientific research at university and private laboratories. Beck and Bishop investigate how various art and technology projects incorporated the collaborative and innovative interdisciplinarity of the avant-garde art movement with the corporate funding structure driven by the U.S. government's military and technoscientific interests. Finally, the authors consider the legacy of 1960s art and technology projects. During the 1970s and 80s, defense R&D funding was less motivated by a Cold War corporate state, and was instead restructured according to an entrepreneurial and neoliberal model. At the same time, funding in the art world also became increasingly financialized and globalized. Today's art and technology work happens collaboratively not because of an intellectual commitment to interdisciplinarity, but because of the precarity of the contemporary labor market. This book will interest students and scholars in art history and theory, media studies, history of technology, American studies, cultural studies, and critical university studies"--
Do leading social-scientific experts, or technocrats, know what they are doing? In Power without Knowledge, Jeffrey Friedman maintains that they do not. Friedman shows that people are too heterogeneous to act as predictably as technocracy requires of them. Technocratic reason, then, entails a drastically oversimplified understanding of human decision making in modern society.
Technocratic law and governance is under fire. Not only populist movements have challenged experts. NGOs, public intellectuals and some academics have also criticized the too close relation between experts and power. While the amount of power gained by experts may be contested, it is unlikely and arguably undesirable that experts will cease to play an influential role in contemporary regulatory regimes. This book focuses on whether and how experts involved in policymaking can and should be held accountable. The book, divided into four parts, combines theoretical analysis with a wide variety of case studies expounding the challenges of holding experts accountable in a multilevel setting. Part I offers new perspectives on accountability of experts, including a critical comparison between accountability and a virtue-ethical framework for experts, a reconceptualization of accountability through the rule of law prism and a discussion of different ways to operationalize expert accountability. Parts I–IV, organized around in-depth case studies, shed light on the accountability of experts in three high-profile areas for technocratic governance in a European and global context: economic and financial governance, environmental/health and safety governance, and the governance of digitization and data protection. By offering fresh insights into the manifold aspects of technocratic decisionmaking and suggesting new avenues for rethinking expert accountability within multilevel governance, this book will be of great value not only to students and scholars in international and EU law, political science, public administration, science and technology studies but also to professionals working within EU institutions and international organizations.
