Published in 1971: The purpose of this book is to describe and to analyse the administrative policies in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan during the formative years of the Condominium. The period chosen for this purpose corresponds with the governor-generalship of Sir Reginald Wingate, whose seventeen years as governor-general so the Sudan had a lasting effect on later development.
In his introduction, the author illustrates the age-long relationship between Egypt and the Sudan. The book outlines his father's role in the reconquest and redevelopment of the Sudan, compiled from papers left by the elder Wingate spanning forty years of Mideast history. Discussed are Wingate's governor-generalship of the Sudan, the Arab revolt, his post as High Commissioner in Egypt, and the Egyptian crisis and its aftermath.
Wingate Pasha is the first biography of an eminent Scottish soldier-statesman who contributed much to the development of the Sudan and Egypt during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. It tells the story of a man from an impoverished background with a rudimentary education who nonetheless mastered several foreign languages including Arabic. In 1884, Wingate joined the expeditionary force to relieve Khartoum, which arrived two days too late, General Gordon having been murdered. As Kitcheners Military Intelligence Officer, Wingate was instrumental in assisting Kitchener to recover Sudan from Dervish domination. As Governor-General of the Sudan, Wingates enlightened administration brought unprecedented political, social and economic prosperity to the Sudanese people. in the First World War, Wingate played a leading role in organising the Arab Revolt against the Turks, although it was his subordinate, T E Lawrence (of Arabia) who received the acclaim. After the war, as High Commissioner of Egypt, he continued to seek justice for the Egyptian people at the Paris Peace Conference which led to the signing of the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. He retired from public life to Dunbar in Scotland and had a successful business career until he died in 1953.
Gabriel Warburg contends that efforts in Sudan to enforce an Islamic state and an Islamic constitution on a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society have led to prolonged civil war, endless military coups, and political, social, and economic bankruptcy. He analyzes the history of Sudan's Islamic politics to illuminate current conflicts in the region. The revolt in 1881 was led by a Mahdi who came to renew and purify Islam. It was in effect an uprising against a corrupt Islamic regime, the largely alien Turco-Egyptian ruling elite. The Mahdiyya was therefore an anti-colonial movement, seeking to liberate Sudan from alien rule and to unify the Muslim Umma, and it later evolved into the first expression of Sudanese nationalism and statehood. Post-independence Islamic radicalism, in turn, can be viewed against the background of the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899-1956). It also thrived as a result of the resurgence of Islam since the mid-1960s, when Nasserism and other popular ideologies were swept aside. Finally, Sudan has emerged as the center of militancy in Sunni Islam since June 1989, when a group of radical Islamic officers, under the guidance of Dr. Hassan al-Turabi and the NIF, assumed power.
Orde Charles Wingate. Winston Churchill thought him a military genius; others considered him greatly over-rated; a few even thought him mad. His overriding passion was for Zionism, a cause which he embraced when posted to British-ruled Palestine in 1936. There he raised the Special Night Squads, an irregular force which decimated Arab rebel bands and taught a future generation of Israeli generals (including Moshe Dayan and Yitzhak Rabin) how to fight. In 1941, Wingate led another guerrilla-style force into Italian-occupied Ethiopia and was instrumental in restoring Emperor Haile Selassie to his throne. But his most famous campaign was conducted behind enemy lines in Burma, where his Chindits shattered the myth of Japanese invincibility in jungle fighting. A brilliant maverick, Wingate was a difficult if not impossible subordinate. He was also - as this riveting new study reveals - an inspiring leader.
This book is not a typical biography of Hasan al-Turabi. It is a project in the study of a Sudanese human experience at the heart of which Hasan al-Turabi was an actor, a victim and a victimizer. Hasan al-Turabi, the rise and fall of his Islamism, and the dramatic life of generations of the Sudanese community of state that link the underlying causes to the capacity of the state not only as a throwback to oppression and exploitation of the colonial state but also accompanied by an alarming persistence of violence and corruption that exists within the wilding and greed of al-Turabi’s Islamists. Here, the Sudanese experience of al-Turabi Islamism stands as a very important one in the history of the Sudan, the region, and in general. This not because of its success but because of its total failure. It proved that what has been advocated as al-Islam howa al-Hal (Islam is the solution) turned into violence is the solution. Hence, what the Sudanese Islamism (al-Turabi Islamism) presented to the world that such a state, is itself an unachievable idea neither by default nor by design. It is as Hasan al-Turabi himself has stated that his Islamists “tarnished the Image of Islam.” Hasan al-Turabi endured more suffering under the hands of his merciless disciples more than he suffered from his enemies. Gallab argues that Islamism like other isms is crucible for violence and evil. Nevertheless, al-Turabi remains an albatross around the neck of the Islamist movement; the Islamist movement remains as an albatross around his neck too. This book illuminates al-Turabi’s life, the human experience of his generation and his Islamists by brining into sharp focus a-Turabi the man and his time, without reproducing a giant of either one of them.
Francis Reginald Wingate (1861-1953) was a major figure in the political, administrative, and military history of the Middle East from the early 1880s until the end of WWI. As dir. of military intelligence in the British-officered Egyptian Army during the Sudan campaigns; as sirdar (commander-in-chief) of that army and gov.-gen. of the Sudan during the formative period of its colonial admin.; and as high commissioner in Egypt during the latter half of the first world war and the crisis that led to the Egyptian revolution of 1919, he stands with Cromer and Kitchener as architects of the British empire in the Middle East. Yet Wingate has received much less notice than his famous contemporaries such as Gordon of Khartoum and Lawrence of Arabia. This biography corrects the historical imbalance. Illus.
The present study examines President Ja'far Numayrī's experiment of reinstating Islamic law in the Sudan and the methods employed to this end, in the light of its historical context and sources of inspiration. Islamist legislation, legal circulars and judicial practice are here utilized as source material for the analysis of the methodology employed in Numayrī's experiment and its application with a view to evaluating their impact on the uncodified Islamic law, state control of public morals, and on Sudanese society and economy. The focus of attention here is the judge as an instrument for implementing the government's Islamist policy by means of expanded judicial discretion based on a synthesis of traditional Islamic and modern non-Islamic sources of law. The book is intended for Islamists, legal historians, and lawyers.
T. E. Lawrence (of Arabia) described his war-time chief as "the perfect leader", a man who "worked by influence rather than by loud direction. He was like water, or permeating oil, creeping silently and insistently through everything. It was not possible to say where Clayton was and was not, and how much really belonged to him". This is the first biography of General Sir Gilbert Clayton (1875-1929), Britain's pre-eminent "man-on-the-spot" during the formative years of the modern Middle East. Serving as a soldier, administrator and diplomat in ten different Middle Eastern countries during a 33-year Middle Eastern career, Clayton is best known as the Director of British Intelligence in Cairo during the Great War (1914-16), and as the instigator and sponsor of the Arab Revolt against the Turks. Dedicated to the preservation of Britain's Middle Eastern empire, Clayton came to realize that in the transformed post-war world Britain could ill afford to control all aspects of the emerging nation-states in the region. In his work as adviser to the Egyptian government (1919-22), he advocated internal autonomy for the Egyptians, while asserting Britain's vital imperial interests in the country. As chief administrator in Palestine (1923-5), he sought to reconcile the Arabs to Britain's national home policy for the Jews, and, at the same time, to solidify Britain's position as Mandatory power. In Arabia, Clayton negotiated the first post-war treaties with the emerging power of Ibn Saud, (1925, 1927), but curtailed his designs on the British Mandates in Iraq and Transjordan. And, in Iraq, where Clayton served as High Commissioner (1929), he backed Iraq's independence within the framework of the British Empire.
