More than 150 years after the end of the Civil War, scores of websites, articles, and organizations repeat claims that anywhere between 500 and 100,000 free and enslaved African Americans fought willingly as soldiers in the Confederate army. But as Kevin M. Levin argues in this carefully researched book, such claims would have shocked anyone who served in the army during the war itself. Levin explains that imprecise contemporary accounts, poorly understood primary-source material, and other misrepresentations helped fuel the rise of the black Confederate myth. Moreover, Levin shows that belief in the existence of black Confederate soldiers largely originated in the 1970s, a period that witnessed both a significant shift in how Americans remembered the Civil War and a rising backlash against African Americans' gains in civil rights and other realms. Levin also investigates the roles that African Americans actually performed in the Confederate army, including personal body servants and forced laborers. He demonstrates that regardless of the dangers these men faced in camp, on the march, and on the battlefield, their legal status remained unchanged. Even long after the guns fell silent, Confederate veterans and other writers remembered these men as former slaves and not as soldiers, an important reminder that how the war is remembered often runs counter to history.
Two aging Civil War veterans mourned the death of their sons at a joint funeral in Knoxville National Cemetery. One, a cavalry general, had fought for the Union. The other had served as surgeon/major of a Confederate cavalry regiment. They met for the first time at the graves of their sons--two army lieutenants and University of Tennessee graduates killed together in Cuba during the Spanish-American War. Newspaper accounts presented the encounter as an example of reconciliation between North and South. This book recounts the meeting of two families from opposing sides of the war--both rooted in East Tennessee, a region harshly divided by the conflict--placing their story in the context of America's reconciliation narrative at the end of the 19th century.
Originally there was no connection between the settlements along the coast. In 1776 they held a meeting and declared their separation from England and asserted that each State was a free, independent and sovereign State; and by a treaty of peace, that was admitted by England. In 1781 the States entered into a confederacy and again declared the independence and sovereignty of each State. In 1788 a union was proposed to go into effect between any nine States that ratified the Constitution. Eleven States ratified the Constitution and it went into operation between them. George Washington was elected President of the eleven States. In ratifying that Constitution Virginia and New York particularly affirmed that the people of any State had a right to withdraw from the Union, and there was general assent to that claim, and it was taught in the text book at West Point. There arose at various times differences between the Southern States and the Northern States but all these were peaceably settled except as to African slavery. For some cause South Carolina seceded in December, 1860, and presently was joined by six other Southern States. Neither Congress nor the President took any action against these States. But at length Congress passed a measure proposing that the States should amend the Constitution and prohibit Congress from interfering with Negro slavery in any State, with the expectation that such an amendment would lead the seceded States to return. Presently the new President was led to deny the right of a State to withdraw from the Union, and he started a war against the seceded States and called on the other States to furnish troops for his war. When North Carolina and Virginia and other Southern States were called on to furnish troops to fight the seceded States, North Carolina said, “You can get no soldiers from this State to fight your unholy war,” and North Carolina withdrew from the Union and so did Virginia and two other States. Then the Supreme Court in a case before it declared that under the Constitution the President had no right to make war and the Constitution did not give Congress the right to make war on any State. So it mentioned the war as one between the Northern and Southern States and said the right of the matter in dispute was to be determined by the “wager of battle,” thus ignoring the light and justice of the claim in dispute. And so the Northern States conquered those that had seceded. This book contains the following chapters: 1. The Slave Trade 2. Steps Leading to War 3. Nullification, North and South 4. The States Made the Union 5. Nullification, North and South 6. Ratification of the Constitution by Virginia, New York, and Rhode Island 7. Secession, Insurrection of the Negroes, and Northern Incendiarism 8. The Modern Case of John Brown 9. Why South Carolina Seceded 10. Secession of the Cotton States 11. President Lincoln’s Inaugural 12. Lincoln and the Constitution 13. Lincoln the Lawyer 14. Lincoln’s Inhumanity 15. Lincoln the Usurper 16. Abraham Lincoln, the Citizen 17. Lincoln the Strategist 18. Conditions Just After the War 19. The War Between the Northern States and the Southern States 20. Speech of Jefferson Davis at Mississippi City, Mississippi in 1881
This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.
No historical event has left as deep an imprint on America's collective memory as the Civil War. In the war's aftermath, Americans had to embrace and cast off a traumatic past. David Blight explores the perilous path of remembering and forgetting, and reveals its tragic costs to race relations and America's national reunion.
The Politically Incorrect Guide to the Civil War is a joyful, myth-busting, rebel yell that shatters today’s Leftist and demeaning stereotypes about the South and the Civil War.
Focusing on the broad span of American social, cultural, and economic change over about 100 years, the book views the Civil War through the eyes of children listening to their father's stories and World War II through the eyes of the same children as grown-up participants.
Wall Street Journal’s Five Best Books on the Confederates’ Lost Cause Southern Association for Women Historians Julia Cherry Spruill Prize Even without the right to vote, members of the United Daughters of the Confederacy proved to have enormous social and political influence throughout the South—all in the name of preserving Confederate culture. Karen Cox traces the history of the UDC, an organization founded in 1894 to vindicate the Confederate generation and honor the Lost Cause. In this edition, with a new preface, Cox acknowledges the deadly riots in Charlottesville, Virginia, showing why myths surrounding the Confederacy continue to endure. The Daughters, as UDC members were popularly known, were daughters of the Confederate generation. While southern women had long been leaders in efforts to memorialize the Confederacy, UDC members made the Lost Cause a movement about vindication as well as memorialization. They erected monuments, monitored history for "truthfulness," and sought to educate coming generations of white southerners about an idyllic past and a just cause—states' rights. Soldiers' and widows' homes, perpetuation of the mythology of the antebellum South, and pro-southern textbooks in the region's white public schools were all integral to their mission of creating the New South in the image of the Old. UDC members aspired to transform military defeat into a political and cultural victory, in which states' rights and white supremacy remained intact. To the extent they were successful, the Daughters helped to preserve and perpetuate an agenda for the New South that included maintaining the social status quo. Placing the organization's activities in the context of the postwar and Progressive-Era South, Cox describes in detail the UDC's origins and early development, its efforts to collect and preserve manuscripts and artifacts and to build monuments, and its later role in the peace movement and World War I. This remarkable history of the organization presents a portrait of two generations of southern women whose efforts helped shape the social and political culture of the New South. It also offers a new historical perspective on the subject of Confederate memory and the role southern women played in its development.
A “well-reasoned and timely” (Booklist) essay collection interrogates the Lost Cause myth in Civil War historiography. Was the Confederacy doomed from the start in its struggle against the superior might of the Union? Did its forces fight heroically against all odds for the cause of states’ rights? In reality, these suggestions are an elaborate and intentional effort on the part of Southerners to rationalize the secession and the war itself. Unfortunately, skillful propagandists have been so successful in promoting this romanticized view that the Lost Cause has assumed a life of its own. Misrepresenting the war’s true origins and its actual course, the myth of the Lost Cause distorts our national memory. In The Myth of the Lost Cause and Civil War History, nine historians describe and analyze the Lost Cause, identifying ways in which it falsifies history—creating a volume that makes a significant contribution to Civil War historiography. “The Lost Cause . . . is a tangible and influential phenomenon in American culture and this book provides an excellent source for anyone seeking to explore its various dimensions.” —Southern Historian
