The breaking down of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the official statement of the progress from communism to free enterprise, Russia, both regarding its financial potential and populace and as far as its legacy of a severe centralist framework has an exceptional remaining among transitional economies. A long ways past a progress from communism to private enterprise, bearing the multi-dimensional change in social, political and arrangement regions combined with an intricate procedure as a top priority, this change was no uncertainty considerably more troublesome and delicate for a country like Russia that had an established communist custom.
This book provides a detailed analysis of the legal framework in which the energy trade between the European Union and the Russian Federation has been conducted. Using case studies of eight member states, it critically examines the EU’s ability and the duty of its Member States to conduct their external energy trade in accordance with the principle of solidarity. Providing a comprehensive analysis of the principle of solidarity as provided in the acquis communautaire of the EU, the book critically analyses the legal framework pertaining to EU-Russia energy trade to ascertain whether, and to what extent, it satisfies the requirements of the rule of law.
A Guide to National Security offers an analysis of the threats and policy responses facing the UK, presented within the framework of the Government's National Security Strategy and the Strategic Defence and Security Review. It explores the processes and developments which have shaped the transformation of national security over the last three decades, and critically examines the processes of politicisation and securitisation that have delivered the new strategic vision. Presented in three parts, the book has taken one of the key recommendations from the National Security Strategy - collaboration between police and national security agencies - and used this as both the viewpoint from which to assess the current state of play regarding the UK's national security, as well as the approach to identifying future threats and creating policies and tactics to deal with them. Part One: Threats sets the scene for the current status of national security in the UK and relates this to the rest of the world, before moving on to the myriad of possible threats facing governments and intelligence services, from organised crime and terrorism to cyber-threats and failed states. Part Two: Responses looks at the interaction between governments and other agencies in response to a threat, how that framework functions and is organized, as well as the action or response taken. Finally, Part Three: Strategies offers a range of considerations for the future, including making a case for military restructuring, discussing domestic policies regarding radicalisation and other internal security issues, and the building of partnerships with the EU and the rest of the world, as well as within current international organizations, such as the UN and NATO. Throughout, the book presents opinions from leading figures across the agencies, including the National Security Council and members of ACPO, as well as case studies and suggestions for further investigation. This book provides a number of fascinating and critical points for those interested in the UK's own national security organization, from those working in intelligence, counter-terrorism and organised crime within the police, staff within the national intelligence agencies, and policy advisers and officials. However, the contemporary era of globalisation means that it also has resonances for anyone involved in such issues across the Western world and beyond.
Drawing on cutting-edge research from leading scholars, this book investigates state preferences for regime creation and assesses state capacity for executing these preferences in Northeast Asia’s energy domain, defined as the geographical area comprising the following countries: Russia, Mongolia, China, Japan, South Korea and North Korea. It examines questions pertaining to how states perceive the need and necessity for establishing a regime when it comes to the issue of energy and how much commitment they make to the effort in Northeast Asia. The book analyses the factors that shape each country’s fundamental energy interests in the region, how these interests impact their attitudes toward engaging the region on energy security and the way they carry out their regional engagement. Based on countries’ interests in promoting institutionalized regional energy cooperation and their capacity for forging that cooperation, the collection assesses each state’s role in contributing to an energy regime in Northeast Asia. It then concludes with a critique on the decade-plus quest for energy security cooperation in Northeast Asia and suggests ways forward for facilitating regional energy security cooperation. This book will be of great interest to scholars and students of environmental policy, energy policy, security studies, Asian studies and international relations.
This book offers the first comprehensive examination of Russia's Arctic strategy, ranging from climate change issues and territorial disputes to energy policy and domestic challenges. As the receding polar ice increases the accessibility of the Arctic region, rival powers have been manoeuvering for geopolitical and resource security. Geographically, Russia controls half of the Arctic coastline, 40 percent of the land area beyond the Circumpolar North, and three quarters of the Arctic population. In total, the sea and land surface area of the Russian Arctic is about 6 million square kilometres. Economically, as much as 20 percent of Russia's GDP and its total exports is generated north of the Arctic Circle. In terms of resources, about 95 percent of its gas, 75 percent of its oil, 96 percent of its platinum, 90 percent of its nickel and cobalt, and 60 percent of its copper reserves are found in Arctic and Sub-Arctic regions. Add to this the riches of the continental shelf, seabed, and waters, ranging from rare earth minerals to fish stocks. After a spike of aggressive rhetoric when Russia planted its flag in the Arctic seabed in 2007, Moscow has attempted to strengthen its position as a key factor in developing an international consensus concerning a region where its relative advantages are manifest, despite its diminishing military, technological, and human capacities.
The Russian gas industry provides 50% of Russian domestic energy supplies, a substantial proportion of CIS gas supplies, and around 20% of European gas demand. Declines in production at existing fields mean that Gazprom will face increasingly difficult decisions about moving to higher cost fields on the Yamal Peninsula. The alternative will be increasing imports from Central Asian countries and allowing other Russian gas producers to increase their role in the industry. Russian exports to Europe will gradually increase and deliveries of Russian LNG will commence to Asia and the both coasts of North America. Pipeline gas deliveries to East Asian countries may have a longer time horizon. Export projects aimed at new markets will depend crucially on the maintenance of (oil and) gas prices at the levels of 2003-05. European exports will also depend on the pace of EU market liberalisation and Gazprom's ability to agree mutually acceptable terms for transit, principally with Ukraine and Belarus. Reform, liberalisation and restructuring of the Russian gas industry have been more substantial than has generally been recognised. Most important has been price reform which, in 2005, allowed Russian industrial customers to become profitable to serve at regulated prices. Price increases may significantly reduce future increases in domestic gas demand. The increasing need for production from companies other than Gazprom will ensure that liberalised access to networks expands considerably over the next decade. In the 2000s, Gazprom reclaimed its CIS gas business from intermediaries, while maintaining its de facto monopoly of exports to Europe and establishing a similar degree of authority over future exports to Asia. The merger of Gazprom and Rosneft will provide the potential to become a force in the domestic and international oil markets, particularly given the authority that the president has conferred on the company in terms of Russian energy policy.
A discerning analysis of the future effects of climate change on Russia, the major power most dependent on the fossil fuel economy. Russia will be one of the countries most affected by climate change. No major power is more economically dependent on the export of hydrocarbons; at the same time, two-thirds of RussiaÕs territory lies in the arctic north, where melting permafrost is already imposing growing damage. Climate change also brings drought and floods to RussiaÕs south, threatening the countryÕs agricultural exports. Thane Gustafson predicts that, over the next thirty years, climate change will leave a dramatic imprint on Russia. The decline of fossil fuel use is already underway, and restrictions on hydrocarbons will only tighten, cutting fuel prices and slashing RussiaÕs export revenues. Yet Russia has no substitutes for oil and gas revenues. The country is unprepared for the worldwide transition to renewable energy, as Russian leaders continue to invest the national wealth in oil and gas while dismissing the promise of post-carbon technologies. Nor has the state made efforts to offset the direct damage that climate change will do inside the country. Optimists point to new opportunitiesÑhigher temperatures could increase agricultural yields, the melting of arctic ice may open year-round shipping lanes in the far north, and Russia could become a global nuclear-energy supplier. But the eventual post-Putin generation of Russian leaders will nonetheless face enormous handicaps, as their country finds itself weaker than at any time in the preceding century. Lucid and thought-provoking, Klimat shows how climate change is poised to alter the global order, potentially toppling even great powers from their perches.
The world is currently undergoing an historic energy transition, driven by increasingly stringent decarbonisation policies and rapid advances in low-carbon technologies. The large-scale shift to low-carbon energy is disrupting the global energy system, impacting whole economies, and changing the political dynamics within and between countries. This open access book, written by leading energy scholars, examines the economic and geopolitical implications of the global energy transition, from both regional and thematic perspectives. The first part of the book addresses the geopolitical implications in the world’s main energy-producing and energy-consuming regions, while the second presents in-depth case studies on selected issues, ranging from the geopolitics of renewable energy, to the mineral foundations of the global energy transformation, to governance issues in connection with the changing global energy order. Given its scope, the book will appeal to researchers in energy, climate change and international relations, as well as to professionals working in the energy industry.
The authors examine how far internal policies in the European Union move towards the objective of reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the EU by 80-95 per cent by 2050, and how or whether the EU's 2050 objective to 'decarbonise' could affect the EU's relations with a number of external energy partners.
