The Congressional Record is the official record of the proceedings and debates of the United States Congress. It is published daily when Congress is in session. The Congressional Record began publication in 1873. Debates for sessions prior to 1873 are recorded in The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States (1789-1824), the Register of Debates in Congress (1824-1837), and the Congressional Globe (1833-1873)
The Oxford Handbook of New York State Government and Politics brings together top scholars and former and current state officials to explain how and why the state is governed the way that it is. The book's thirty-one chapters assemble new scholarship in key areas of governance in New York, document the state's record in comparison to other U.S. states, and identify directions for future research.
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Excerpt from Report of the Joint Legislative Committee on Taxation of the State of New York: Transmitted to the Legislature February 14, 1916 The taxation of personal property in the State of New York has presented a serious problem for the last fifty years. Prior to 1852, because of the low rate, the burden of the tax does not seem to have been seriously felt, nor the inequalities which have since arisen in its administration to have existed. However, in 1872, the rate for state and local purposes had risen to three per cent and the defects and injustice of the taxation of personal property at the general property rate became more and more apparent. The situation resulted in the appointment of the Commission of 1872, which was one of the first of the many commissions that have investigated and reported on this troublesome problem. This problem still remains unsolved. During the last thirty years the State has developed a system of special taxes imposing specific taxes upon certain classes of personal property and businesses, withdrawing them thereby out from under the personal property tax. Thus, banks, trust companies, mortgages and motor vehicles are all free from the local personal property tax and are taxable under special laws. But, except for these particular classes, the great mass of personal property in the State is still taxed locally at the same rate as real estate, and under the same rule as existed a half century ago. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
The Money Machines advances the provocative thesis that the mechanisms for financing state and local government in the Northern United States from 1860 to 1920 were deeply enmeshed with those financing the extralegal--often illegal--activities of the major political parties, complicating reform or change mandated by the post-Civil War breakdown of the North's legal fiscal machinery. Few reformers then recognized the interdependence of government and the party money machines; fewer still acknowledged the effectiveness or social value of the extralegal machines. On the contrary, basic fiscal reform in this period was characterized by attempts to exorcise "politics" in any form, which in turn provoked counteraction from politicians whose organizations had the same need for efficient, reliable revenue systems as did governments. Dr. Yearley demonstrates the failure of the established legal money machines to cope with the demands of postwar governments facing industrialization and urbanization. He characterizes the revolt of old and new middle classes against fiscal inequity and inefficiency and shows how much of the North's new wealth escaped taxation altogether while much of its old wealth similarly went into hiding. Because of its forbidding complexities, tax reform was sustained by a small group of experts from the middle class, whose sincerity and competence were unquestionable, but whose reformism evidenced the peculiar views and prejudices of their class. Here, therefore, the graft-grabbing politician is presented in a fresh light. In his efforts to maintain his sources of revenue and power, he emerges as a vital instrument of mass democracy, of the new politics of the ever-growing urban lower classes as well as their principal source of government welfare or support. The author reevaluates the Gilded Age politician in several important ways, principally regarding his power relationship to the business communities and his ability to perform his job well despite middle class disdain and continual allegations of fraud and incompetence. Further, Dr. Yearley shows that often politicians were ahead of reformers in their fiscal thinking in recognizing and utilizing taxation of income rather than of property. The volume considers in some depth several individual reformers, revealing them to be, among other things, prototypes of present academic experts used by government to manage problems too complex for laymen. The book then proceeds to explain essential changes made in local fiscal systems and which of these were to be the most effective, explanations that are of particular interest in view of the continuing crises in state and local financing today.
