The fate of Sudan, by then the largest country in Africa, was clearly decided when results of the referendum vote were announced in February 2011. Policy makers, scholars and the international community began to grapple with critical issues that might arise after the independence of South Sudan and how different stakeholders were likely to react during the period of uncertainty. Political developments in Sudan were long-term outcomes of post-cold war revolutions in the world system after the Soviet Union collapsed. A domino effect of such events swept across Eastern Europe with some manifestations in the Horn of Africa. The fall of Mengistu Haile Mariam, marked the beginning of the redrawing of the map of Africa and posed a challenge to the long held principle of preservation of colonial borders that had been enshrined in the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity. The precedent set by the independence of Eritrea seemed to encourage southern Sudan to press forward for independence through a two pronged approach of armed struggle and diplomacy led by the Sudan People's Liberation Army/Movement. This book attempts to understand national, regional and continental dimensions of the unresolved issues that could result in the escalation of conflict in the Sudan. It examines internal dynamics of the Sudan after secession of the south and how these dynamics might affect neighbouring countries in the geopolitical regions: the Horn of Africa, the Great Lakes Region and Central Africa. A section of the book is dedicated to dynamics within South Sudan as a new state. Post-conflict South Sudan as country was marked by extreme poverty, lack of infrastructure and prevalence of inter-communal armed violence. This book proposes possible policies to prevent the country from descending into a state of economic and social chaos. The book provides the argument that equitable and rational transformative socio-economic programmes and policies could greatly reduce potentials for conflict. This book calls on policy makers to pursue policies that could lead to concrete projects planned to alleviate poverty and provision of basic social services such as education, health, and safe water. The book comes to the conclusion that political stability will depend on collective actions of stakeholders to ensure that peace prevails both in the north and the south to guarantee human security in the region.
This Volume 17 of the African Development Perspectives Yearbook considers the following major issues: the macroeconomic policies in post-conflict countries (especially reviews of growth, social progress, and public finance strategies in medium-term frameworks) with Sudan and South Sudan as the country cases; and macroeconomic policy formation in West Africa -- with case studies presented on Senegal and Nigeria in the West African Monetary Zone and the CFA Zone. In addition, the book presents book reviews and book notes. (Series: African Development Perspectives Yearbook - Vol. 17) [Subject: African Studies, Economics]
Most of the papers in this book were presented during the 9th International South Sudan and Sudan Studies Conference of the Sudan Studies Association USA and the Sudan Studies Society UK. 150 scholars from numerous academic disciplines, experts in conflict transformation and development, staff of non-governmental organisations (NGOs), former and current senior officers from ministries and military institutions from Sudan, South Sudan, and seventeen further countries participated in the conference. They engaged in vivid discussions on historical and recent cleavages in the societies of Sudan and South Sudan, inequality and exclusion in numerous variations, and on rapid social change accompanied by urbanisation and land conflicts. The severe economic crisis following the separation and the importance of creating political solutions instead of using technical approaches to work on the multitude of challenges affecting each of the two countries and the interrelations between them were also scrutinised. The participants intensely exchanged views and experiences on the difficulties and successes in taking responsibility rather than being dependent on foreign assistance. Discussions revealed strong potentials in both societies to overcome such problems; to initiate processes of reconciliation, and to consolidate peace. They shed light on the complex processes of nation-building and the creation of meaningful constitutions. This book attempts to capture at least some of this multitude of insights and aspects that had shaped the conference.
The main theme of this study is chosen in response to the general consensus on the importance of conducting a comprehensive study that may shape the economic policies and promote the business sector as well as the government and other organizations. However, the key question posed by this study is whether the theory that political stability fosters economic development is simply the wishful thinking of people who value both stability and growth or whether it is a delusion of those who believe that most developing countries may enjoy rapid growth if they are stable. The importance of this study is clear: South Sudan is confronted with enormous challenges of administrative, ethnic, political, and economic development. In light of this, the current study addresses the following issues: "What is the impact of the political system in South Sudan on economic development? What is the impact of oil resources on sustainable development? What is the impact of the oil shutdown on political and economic stability, and what is the possibility of deficit financing? Is there any possibility for cooperation between Sudan and South Sudan?" In this context, the major objective of this study is to analyze the political development of the country to verify that political stability fosters the achievement of economic and social development. It also seeks to analyse the political history of Sudan in general and South Sudan in particular, emphasising the importance of political stability, among other considerations, as a precondition for socioeconomic development. Furthermore, other objectives of the study include suggestions on how political stability could be ensured in South Sudan and how good governance may promote political and economic stability. In light of the above, this study focuses on the issues of the political transition and policies that will improve the economic, political, and social well-being of the people of South Sudan. It seeks ways of setting up policies that will raise the standard of living of people with sustained growth and move from a simple, low-income economy to a modern, high-income economy. It also attempts to develop a framework for cooperation between Sudan and South Sudan. The methodology that is adopted to address these issues is collecting, sorting, and analysing primary and secondary information relating to the history of political and economic development in South Sudan, using empirical approaches such as SWOT analysis, information sources, references, and books. However, this study is organized as follows: chapter 1 discusses political stability and economic development in a theoretical framework through which we explore the empirical analysis; it is divided into four sections. Section 1 focuses on definition, causes, and measurement of political stability with an aim to assess the effect of political stability on growth-related variables. In section 2, we define the concept of political instability and measure it by using indicators like the number of coups d'état, the number of major government crises, the number of cabinet changes, and the number of political revolutions as well as political assassinations. Section 3 discusses the concept and definition of economic development and summarizes the major theories of economic development in five fundamental elements. The last section explores the implications of financing economic development by discussing domestic resources (including deficit financing) and foreign financial resources and the role of each of them in achieving economic development. Chapter 2 presents the political and social background of South Sudan is divided into three sections. Section 1 discusses South Sudan's ability to function and successfully implement its policies and strategic vision for the year 2040. Section 2 focuses on the demographic structure of South Sudan in terms of population, education, languages, and culture. Section 3 discusses the social indicators such as infrastructure, poverty, and corruption which affect improving social welfare as well as the political stability and economic development of the Republic of South Sudan. Chapter 3 focuses on the South Sudan economy and the challenges. Here we discuss the political and development challenges facing South Sudan as well as the investment opportunities. This chapter discusses the major challenges which face South Sudan, especially issues such as border demarcation, political reform, and oil shutdown as well as investment opportunities in oil and agriculture. In chapter 4, we discuss South Sudan's oil and economic development. It focuses on oil resources and their impact on sustainable development, the impact of oil shutdown on political and economic development and the possibility of deficit financing. In chapter 5, we discuss the future of stability and prosperity in South Sudan. It discusses how good governance and cooperation can be enormously beneficial to South Sudan in the process of building sustainable political and economic stability and what South Sudan can learn from other countries. The major findings of this study are as follows: - Political stability plays an important role in determining economic growth and economic development in many economies. - The degree of political stability is high if there is a high degree of democracy or autocracy. - Strong democracies or strong autocracies are best equipped to provide political stability that may lead to economic development. It is then the level of political stability within a given country, regardless of regime type, that results in economic growth. - Long-term sustainable economic growth depends on the ability to raise the rates of accumulation of physical and human capital by securing necessary sources (domestic, foreign, or deficit finance) to use efficiently for financing economic development. - Most economists view corruption as a major obstacle to development. It is seen as one of the causes of low income and is believed to play a critical role in generating poverty traps (e.g., Blackburn et al. 2006). Thus, corruption, according to this view, "sands" the wheels of development and it makes economic and political transitions difficult. - Not only is good governance critical to development, but it is also the most important factor in determining whether a country has the capacity to use resources effectively to promote economic growth and reduce poverty.
In July 2011, South Sudan was granted independence and became the world's newest country. Yet just two-and-a-half years after this momentous decision, the country was in the grips of renewed civil war and political strife. Hilde F. Johnson served as Special Representative of the Secretary-General and Head of the United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan from July 2011 until July 2014 and, as such, she was witness to the many challenges which the country faced as it struggled to adjust to its new autonomous state. In this book, she provides an unparalleled insider's account of South Sudan's descent from the ecstatic celebrations of July 2011 to the outbreak of the disastrous conflict in December 2013 and the early, bloody phase of the fighting. Johnson's frequent personal and private contacts at the highest levels of government, accompanied by her deep knowledge of the country and its history, make this a unique eyewitness account of the turbulent first three years of the world's newest - and yet most fragile - country.
The Nile River is the longest river in the world covering nearly 7,000 kilometres. It traverses ten countries in Africa, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda, with South Sudan as the eleventh riparian state once it acquires its sovereignty. Of the more than 300 million inhabitants in the ten riparian states, the Nile River Basin is home to nearly 160 million people. The interlocking controversies surrounding the utilisation of the waters of the Nile River and the resources therein have centered on the 1929 Anglo-Egyptian and the 1959 Egypto-Sudanese treaties, which have largely ignored the interests of the upstream states. Through the initiative of the Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) established in 1999, the riparian states concluded, in 2010, the Agreement on the River Nile Basin Cooperative Framework (CFA) based on the principle of equitable and reasonable utilisation, the objective of which is to establish durable legal regime in the Nile River Basin. This book addresses the complexities inherent in the colonial and post-colonial treaties and agreements and their implications on the interests of the riparian states and the region in general. It is the first book of its kind that covers the ten riparian states in a single volume and deals comprehensively with politico-legal questions in the Nile River Basin as well as conventions on the international water courses and their relevance to the region.
This book examines the international politics of the Red Sea region from the Cold War to the present. It argues that the Red Sea region demonstrates well the characteristics of a sub-regional system, with increasing economic and social interdependence, greater regional integration, with the stronger regional powers – Egypt, Israel and Saudi Arabia – seeking to establish their influence over the sub-region, and with all states forming regional alliances to protect their interests and to fend off possible encroachment of others.
Just eight years after the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and two years after gaining independence, the world's newest nation state descended once more into violence and civil war. Why have policies of liberal peacebuilding failed to bring lasting stability to the region? And what now for South Sudan? Nyambura Wambugu, an academic with more than ten years' practical advisory and policymaking experience, adopts a holistic and multi-thematic approach to answer these crucial questions. Rooting her analysis as deeply as the initial militarisation of Sudan in the 1950s, Wambugu considers the complex and overlapping issues that have afflicted the region since 2005. In the process, Wambugu demonstrates the failure of the billions of dollars spent on liberal peacebuilding and elucidates the possibility of demilitarisation as a lasting and sustainable alternative. Such issues are common in post-conflict states, and the book therefore acts as a case study for better understanding the deeply entrenched causes of instability and identifying the most sustainable paths to peace. This meticulously researched account is essential reading for all students, researchers and policymakers working on post-conflict societies.
Through a series of frank and incisive case studies of conflicted countries, contributors' chapters challenge the centrality and timing of elections as a key pillar of reconstruction at a war's end. They underline the dangers in rushing elections, compromising principles, and lowering the bar for what constitutes free and fair elections in situations of conflict. The authors also underline the economic cost of elections in uncertain political situations and argue that global taxpayers, who must bear the burden, are justified in questioning the value of ill-timed elections. A candid and important study of political turmoil, Elections in Dangerous Places provides valuable lessons and practical advice on how to better mitigate conflict and violence before, during, and after highly charged elections. Contributors include Thomas S. Axworthy (Walter and Duncan Gordon Foundation), Stephen Brown (University of Ottawa), David Gillies (The North-South Institute, Ottawa), Christian R. Hennemeyer (Bridging the Divide), Lisa Kammerud (International Foundation for Electoral Systems, Washington, DC), Johann Kriegler (Electoral Complaints Commission, Afghanistan and IFES Executive Advisory Council), Marc A. Lemieux (University of Ottawa), Khalid Mustafa Medani (McGill University), Susanne D. Mueller (Visiting Researcher at Boston University's African Studies Center), Ben Reilly (Australian National University and Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies), Gerald J. Schmitz (M.A., University of Saskatchewan; PhD, Carleton University), Sara Staino (International IDEA), Vincent Tohbi (graduate, National Administration School, Abidjan, Ivory Coast), Francesc Vendrell (Princeton University), and Eugenia Zorbas (Canadian Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade).
Conflict and war, but most of all overwhelming despair are driving massive numbers of mostly young people from the Middle East and North Africa, Central Africa, the Balkan, Ukraine and Central Asia to leave their homes for Europe in search of safety. What do they need most in order to lead their lives in peace and security? How can opportunities for a meaningful and secure future in their countries of origin be improved? How can the EU – acting in concert with its principles – support these people in their search for freedom, self-determination and well-being? These are the questions addressed in "Escaping the Escape." The publication features authors from refugee-source countries and experts from Europe who examine the situation in the crisis regions and offer concrete recommendations for actions to be taken in each region. Countries and regions covered in this publication are: Afghanistan, Algeria and Sahel, the Balkans, Egypt, Eritrea, Gaza, Greece, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Nigeria, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, Turkey, Ukraine, Yemen.
