Working from the basis of Arend Lijphart's 1968 work on divided societies, the authors go on to look at such cultures and subcultures thirty years on, bringing in new evidence and analysis to bear on the issue. They also examine the essential role of party politics within and between these ^D", framing comparisons with a number of countries from Belgium to Israel.
Working from the basis of Arend Lijphart's 1968 work on divided societies, the authors go on to look at such cultures and subcultures thirty years on, bringing in new evidence and analysis to bear on the issue. They also examine the essential role of party politics within and between these ^D", framing comparisons with a number of countries from Belgium to Israel.
This paper is one of a series being prepared for the National Research Council's Committee on International Conflict Resolution. The committee was organized in late 1995 to respond to a growing need for prevention, management, and resolution of violent conflict in the international arena, a concern about the changing nature and context of such conflict in the post-Cold War era, and a recent expansion of knowledge in the field. The committee's main goal is to advance the practice of conflict resolution by using the methods and critical attitude of science to examine the effectiveness of various techniques and concepts that have been advanced for preventing, managing, and resolving international conflicts. The committee's research agenda has been designed to supplement the work of other groups, particularly the Carnegie Corporation of New York's Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, which issued its final report in December 1997. The committee has identified a number of specific techniques and concepts of current interest to policy practitioners and has asked leading specialists on each one to carefully review and analyze available knowledge and to summarize what is known about the conditions under which each is or is not effective. These papers present the results of their work.
This book grew out of the authors' growing sense of frustration with the tenor of the debate over the health of the American political party system. Conventional party theory, they contend, had become a theoretical straitjacket providing little understanding of the transformed contemporary American party system. Baer and Bositis present a theory--based on a combination of elite, interest group, and social movement theories--in an effort to redefine the terms of the debate. They argue that political action within and outside of the party system is elite and group-based and that the group concept incorporates and accounts for elite-mass interdependence. Coming at a time when many existing explanations of political party behavior are under increasing scrutiny, Elite Cadres and Party Coalitions offers a provocative new theory. It will be essential reading for students, scholars, and members of the general public interested in American politics. The authors have divided their argument into two parts, the first of which is an extensive review of the history of party reform and contemporary assessments of its meaning. Included in this review is a similarly extensive assessment of a variety of party and party-related theory and scholarship. This is followed by an explanation of their own party elite theory of democracy. The second half of the book is devoted to a test of the various theories of party behavior using survey data from The Party Elite Study and from the 1980 and 1984 National Election Studies. These data are used to make comparisons over time among four elite cadres in both parties: nominating convention delegates, national committee members, and state and county chairs in office in 1980 and 1984.
This paper is one of a series being prepared for the National Research Council's Committee on International Conflict Resolution. The committee was organized in late 1995 to respond to a growing need for prevention, management, and resolution of violent conflict in the international arena, a concern about the changing nature and context of such conflict in the post-Cold War era, and a recent expansion of knowledge in the field. The committee's main goal is to advance the practice of conflict resolution by using the methods and critical attitude of science to examine the effectiveness of various techniques and concepts that have been advanced for preventing, managing, and resolving international conflicts. The committee's research agenda has been designed to supplement the work of other groups, particularly the Carnegie Corporation of New York's Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, which issued its final report in December 1997. The committee has identified a number of specific techniques and concepts of current interest to policy practitioners and has asked leading specialists on each one to carefully review and analyze available knowledge and to summarize what is known about the conditions under which each is or is not effective. These papers present the results of their work.
Courts and Consociations examines power-sharing agreements, their legitimacy, and their compatibility with human rights law. Providing a clear, accessible introduction to the political science and human rights law on the issue, the book is an invaluable guide to all those engaged with transitional justice, peace agreements, and human rights.
Democracy and Ethnic Conflict addresses the problem of establishing durable democratic institutions in societies afflicted by ethnic conflict. While the holding of multi-party elections usually plays a role in the ending of conflict, consolidating democracy presents a much larger challenge, as does preventing the perversion of democracy through the dominance of a particular ethnic group.
Since the mid-1980s the world has witnessed a democratization tide sweeping across Africa, Europe, Asia and South America. This book details the effects of such change for people and institutions alike within these countries
Both parties and interest groups matter to democracy. Historically, examples of close relationships between the two abound. But perhaps the best known because it was supposedly the most intimate and politically important is the relationship between left-of-centre parties and trade unions. Whether rooted in a shared history, culture and ideology or more a 'marriage of convenience', it is widely believed that their relationship helped socialist, social democratic, and labour parties win power and ensured the working class achieved huge gains in terms of full employment, the welfare state and labour market regulation in the post war period. In recent decades, however, it has been widely argued that the links between left-of-centre parties and trade unions have declined as their collaboration has become less mutually beneficial, not least as a consequence of structural changes in the economy and labour market. This volume interrogates, qualifies, and even challenges that widespread assumption. Based on a brand new dataset, including organizational data gathered by a cross-national team of experts, it uncovers and explores what turns out to be considerable variation in the strength of contemporary organizational links between left-of-centre parties and unions in twelve different countries that have been democracies since at least the mid -to late-1940's. Testing a series of hypotheses on the importance and the impact of particular political systems and socio-economic factors, and on the costs and benefits for both parties and unions, detailed qualitative and quantitative analysis suggests that left-of-centre party-trade union links are stronger where trade unions are larger, denser, and more unified and where parties are less able to rely on the state to finance their organizational activities and electoral campaigns. Traditional partners that still have fairly strong links with each other seem to have greater incentives than others to maintain those links. Moreover, it remains the case that the links between parties and unions matter in policy terms.