Die Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen sind das wichtigste wissenschaftliche Publikationsorgan der Göttinger Akademie. In dieser Reihe veröffentlichen vor allem die Akademiemitglieder und Mitarbeiter an den Forschungsunternehmen der Akademie die Ergebnisse ihrer Forschungen aus dem gesamten Bereich der Geisteswissenschaften und der Naturwissenschaften.
This edited collection examines gendered representations of "evil" in history, the arts, and literature. Scholars often explore the relationships between gender, sex, and violence through theories of inequality, violence against women, and female victimization, but what happens when women are the perpetrators of violent or harmful behavior? How do we define "evil"? What makes evil men seem different from evil women? When women commit acts of violence or harmful behavior, how are they represented differently from men? How do perceptions of class, race, and age influence these representations? How have these representations changed over time, and why? What purposes have gendered representations of evil served in culture and history? What is the relationship between gender, punishment of evil behavior, and equality?
The Ritual of Aštu, a text found at the Hittite Capital of Hattuša, shows strong influence from southern Anatolia and describes a Hurrian-Hittite ritual against witchcraft and sorcery. The following study provides detailed philological treatment of the 13th-century fragments found at Hattuša, from which the ritual is known, including transcription, translation, and commentary of all manuscripts, as well as special emphasis on the Hurrian passages of the ritual. Reconstruction of the more fragmentary sections is undertaken through comparison to other rituals. The study concludes with an analysis of Anatolian, Luwian, and Kizzuwatnaian influences evident in the ritual, and affords, in sum, valuable additions to the study of the nature of Hittite archives, and the development of ritual texts. “I firmly believe that works like this are essential to creating the dialogue that is necessary for the progress of our understanding of Hurrian. Görke’s treatment of the various texts and her discussions of many aspects of the ritual will prove very useful to scholars working on Hurro-Hittite religion.” Dennis R.M. Campbell, San Francisco State University
This book argues that the development of administrative law in Europe owes much to Austria, not only because its Administrative Court was one of the first to define and refine general principles, such as legality, due process and general interest, but also because in 1925 Austria adopted a general law of administrative procedure, which had important consequences for other legal systems. The book follows two themes. The first is the Austrian codification of administrative procedure itself. The second is the spread of Austrian ideas and institutions to some neighbouring countries. From the first point of view, the book points out the various factors that favoured the adoption of administrative procedure legislation and the reception of the model of review. In this respect, the book is enriched by the English translation of the Austrian general act of 1925. From the other viewpoint, the book deviates from the standard accounts whereby the Austrian codification had some influence on its closest neighbours, including Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia; first, because it compares their legislative provisions, as well as their durability, notwithstanding drastic political changes, when these countries fell under Soviet rule; second, because it does not limit itself to the concept of 'influence', arguing that there was a 'diffusion' of general administrative procedure legislation; thirdly, because it examines why the major administrative systems of continental Europe, such as France, Germany and Italy, did not adopt administrative procedure legislation. The book thus provides an unprecedented outlook on the emergence of an increasing common core regarding administrative procedure.
Investigates the effects of mass bombing on both Britain and Nazi Germany, showing how these two very different societies sought to withstand the onslaught and keep up morale.
Nazi concentration camps (KZs) were established in the vicinity of local communities across Europe. Arguably, the individuals in these communities were not perpetrators, nor were they victims, like those imprisoned in the camps. Yet they did not simply stand by on the sidelines, passive, uninvolved, or untouched by the presence of the camps. Local citizenries engaged in ambiguous and highly interactive relations with their local camps, willingly and unwillingly working for the perpetrators--but also aiding inmates. After the war, Nazi camps were often repurposed, initially as post-war internment camps and subsequently as penal institutions, military compounds, or housing encampments. Over time, many were transformed into sites of memory to commemorate Nazi persecution. Governments and groups of survivors have often determined the re-use and commemoration of KZs, but these processes take place on local territory and have direct implications for nearby communities. Therefore, locals have continued to interact with camp legacies. Nazi Camps and their Neighbouring Communities examines how local populations evolved to live with the Nazi camps both before and after the war. Helen J. Whatmore-Thomson evaluates the different sorts of locality-camp relationships that developed in wartime France, Germany, and the Netherlands, and how these played out in post-war scenarios of re-use and memorialization. Using three case studies of major camps in western Europe, Natzweiler-Struthof, Neuengamme, and Vught, the book traces the contested developments of these camp sites in the changing political climates of the post-war years, and explores the interrelated dynamics and trajectories of local and national memory.
In 1949 Bavaria was not only the largest and best known but also the poorest, most agricultural, and most industrially backward region of Germany. It was further its most politically conservative region. The largest political party in Bavaria was the Christian Social Union (CSU), an extremely conservative, even reactionary, regional party. In the ensuing twenty years, the leaders of the CSU's small liberal wing (in particular Franz Josef Strauss, long-time party chair and the most colorful and polarizing politician in postwar Germany) broke with the anti-industrial traditions of Bavarian Catholic politics and made themselves useful to industry. With tactical brilliance the politicians pursued their individual political ambitions, rather than a coherent modernization strategy, which, by 1969, had turned Bavaria into a prosperous Land, the center of Germany's new aerospace, defense, and energy industries, with a disproportionate share of its research institutes.
