This book examines the evolution of Black Power activism at the local level. Comprised of essays that examine Black Power's impact at the grassroots level in cities in the North, South, Mid-West and West, this anthology expands on the profusion of new scholarship that is taking a second look at Black Power.
The historians of the late 1960s have emphasised the work of a small group of white college activists and the Black Panthers, activists who courageously took to the streets to protest the war in Vietnam and continuing racial inequality. Poor and working-class whites have tended to be painted as spectators, reactionaries and even racists. Tracy and Amy Sonnie have been interviewing activists from the 1960s for nearly 10 years and here reject this narrative, showing how working-class whites, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, fought inequality in the 1960s.
This book "traces the historical roots of the secessionist spirit, and introduces us to the often radical, sometimes quixotic, and highly charged movements that want to decentralize and re-localize power"--P. [4] of cover.
After the feverish mobilization of secession had faded, why did Southern men join the Confederate army? Kenneth Noe examines the motives and subsequent performance of "later enlisters." He offers a nuanced view of men who have often been cast as less patriotic and less committed to the cause, rekindling the debate over who these later enlistees were, why they joined, and why they stayed and fought. Noe refutes the claim that later enlisters were more likely to desert or perform poorly in battle and reassesses the argument that they were less ideologically savvy than their counterparts who enlisted early in the conflict. He argues that kinship and neighborhood, not conscription, compelled these men to fight: they were determined to protect their families and property and were fueled by resentment over emancipation and pillaging and destruction by Union forces. But their age often combined with their duties to wear them down more quickly than younger men, making them less effective soldiers for a Confederate nation that desperately needed every able-bodied man it could muster. Reluctant Rebels places the stories of individual soldiers in the larger context of the Confederate war effort and follows them from the initial optimism of enlistment through the weariness of battle and defeat.
Meena Sakwa: A Rebel Reloaded is a fictional political thriller, which presents hope to the reader despite gruesome wars, corruption and despair in Azimbra, a fictitious Country in Africa, which embodies all of the African political, economic and war saga. Meena Sakwa is thrust into revenge when government soldiers massacre civilians at Zotab Market. He is determined to join forces with rebels to overthrow the president. He is successful with the help of mercenaries. He shocks his generals and aspiring soldiers who anticipate working alongside him in the new government by announcing that he would not interfere with the democratic process by declining to run for the presidency and bans all his generals and commanders from participating in any electoral races. His mission is to transfer power peaceably without the threat of militarization. His generals and commanders are disappointed and resentful and have made it obvious in their attempts to get him out of the picture through countless efforts to have him killed. Meena is vigilant in his decision to take his beloved country into the realm of freedom. He faces new challenges when he tries to get funds to compensate his disgruntled soldiers. Meena Sakwa attempts to trace the late president's stolen money but all his funds are untraceable in overseas, western banks. He petitions the International Court to have the country's money returned. It is an uphill battle finding where these monies are stashed away. He soon realizes getting his hands on Azimbra's money may not be possible without insider help. Meena Sakwa takes on other challenges as head of the African Rebuilding Alliance Agency, as mediator between warring factions, investigator and advisor to presidents, and challenges African leaders to turn from corruption and self-conceitedness to becoming visionary leaders who are legacy-oriented. Filled with suspense, thrill, war casualties, and hope, this novel exposes the reader to the African political and economic saga.
In this new interpretation of antebellum slavery, Anthony Kaye offers a vivid portrait of slaves transforming adjoining plantations into slave neighborhoods. He describes men and women opening paths from their owners' plantations to adjacent farms to go courting and take spouses, to work, to run away, and to otherwise contend with owners and their agents. In the course of cultivating family ties, forging alliances, working, socializing, and storytelling, slaves fashioned their neighborhoods into the locus of slave society. Joining Places is the first book about slavery to use the pension files of former soldiers in the Union army, a vast source of rich testimony by ex-slaves. From these detailed accounts, Kaye tells the stories of men and women in love, "sweethearting," "taking up," "living together," and marrying across plantation lines; striving to get right with God; carving out neighborhoods as a terrain of struggle; and working to overthrow the slaveholders' regime. Kaye's depiction of slaves' sense of place in the Natchez District of Mississippi reveals a slave society that comprised not a single, monolithic community but an archipelago of many neighborhoods. Demonstrating that such neighborhoods prevailed across the South, he reformulates ideas about slave marriage, resistance, independent production, paternalism, autonomy, and the slave community that have defined decades of scholarship.
In Freedomland, Annemarie H. Sammartino tells Co-op City's story from the perspectives of those who built it and of the ordinary people who made their homes in this monument to imperfect liberal ideals of economic and social justice. Located on the grounds of the former Freedomland amusement park on the northeastern edge of the Bronx, Co-op City's 35 towers and 236 townhouses have been home to hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers and is an icon visible to all traveling on the east coast corridor. In 1965, Co-op City was planned as the largest middle-class housing development in the United States. It was intended as a solution to the problem of affordable housing in America's largest city. While Co-op City first appeared to be a huge success story for integrated, middle-class housing, tensions would lead its residents to organize the largest rent strike in American history. In 1975, a coalition of shareholders took on New York State and, against all odds, secured resident control. Much to the dismay of many denizens of the complex, even this achievement did not halt either rising costs or white flight. Nevertheless, after the challenges of the 1970s and 1980s, the cooperative achieved a hard-won stability as the twentieth century came to a close. Freedomland chronicles the tumultuous first quarter century of Co-op City's existence. Sammartino's narrative connects planning, economic, and political history and the history of race in America. The result is a new perspective on twentieth-century New York City.