Guaranteed employment can be valuable insurance against poverty. But the recent experience in Maharashtra suggests that raising the wage rate when you don't have the budget to pay for it is not in the interests of all the poor. Some get higher pay, but others must go without relief work.
Explores the role of government policy in economic development in the Republic of Korea. The Republic of Korea has achieved economic success on many fronts. Real GNP has tripled every decade since the 1960s. A dynamic and flexible manufacturing sector now dominates the economy. The benefits of growth have been widely distributed, with a sharp decrease in poverty. This study, like others in the series, seeks to draw lessons from such success and to identify and analyze the policies behind this strong economic performance. Koreas development strategy and macroeconomic performance are outlined in Part I. Several factors are seen to underlie strong growth, including the maintenance of a stable macroenvironment, flexible and pragmatic policies, and investment in infrastructure and human capital. Part II assesses the role played by industrial policy since 1961. Particular attention is given to the Heavy and Chemical Industry (HCI) drive, launched in 1973 to diversify and upgrade Koreas industrial sector. The authors note that while the HCI has been largely successful, it also has been very costly, particularly to the financial sector. Part III outlines the role of institutions and the close relationships among the government, the bureaucracy, and business. The key to Koreas rapid development, according to the authors, was the governments commitment to growth and its early focus on equity and wide distribution of the gains from growth. The authors also laud the efficiency and effectiveness of Koreas public and private sector institutions, which they see as models for all developing nations.
The recent evidence of a decline in absolute numbers of poor in Bangladesh in the 1980s is unconvincing. Recent growth in Bangladesh has been relatively low in a country where it needs to be relatively high to avoid an increase in the number of poor.
ONE OF BARACK OBAMA’S FAVORITE BOOKS OF 2022 One of Bill Gates’s “5 books to read this summer,” this New York Times and Wall Street Journal bestseller shows us that America’s political system isn’t broken. The truth is scarier: it’s working exactly as designed. In this “superbly researched” (The Washington Post) and timely book, journalist Ezra Klein reveals how that system is polarizing us—and how we are polarizing it—with disastrous results. “The American political system—which includes everyone from voters to journalists to the president—is full of rational actors making rational decisions given the incentives they face,” writes political analyst Ezra Klein. “We are a collection of functional parts whose efforts combine into a dysfunctional whole.” “A thoughtful, clear and persuasive analysis” (The New York Times Book Review), Why We’re Polarized reveals the structural and psychological forces behind America’s descent into division and dysfunction. Neither a polemic nor a lament, this book offers a clear framework for understanding everything from Trump’s rise to the Democratic Party’s leftward shift to the politicization of everyday culture. America is polarized, first and foremost, by identity. Everyone engaged in American politics is engaged, at some level, in identity politics. Over the past fifty years in America, our partisan identities have merged with our racial, religious, geographic, ideological, and cultural identities. These merged identities have attained a weight that is breaking much in our politics and tearing at the bonds that hold this country together. Klein shows how and why American politics polarized around identity in the 20th century, and what that polarization did to the way we see the world and one another. And he traces the feedback loops between polarized political identities and polarized political institutions that are driving our system toward crisis. “Well worth reading” (New York magazine), this is an “eye-opening” (O, The Oprah Magazine) book that will change how you look at politics—and perhaps at yourself.
In Welfare Reform, Jeffrey Grogger and Lynn Karoly assemble evidence from numerous studies to assess how welfare reform has affected behavior. To broaden our understanding of this wide-ranging policy reform, the authors evaluate the evidence in relation to an economic model of behavior.
This book argues that active citizenship and poverty are inextricably linked. A common sentiment in discussions of poverty and social policy is that decisions made about those living in poverty or near-poverty are illegitimate, inadvisable, and non-responsive to the needs and interests of the poor if the poor themselves are not involved in the decision-making process. Inside this intuitively appealing idea, however, are a range of potential contradictions and conflicts. These conflicts are at the nexus between active citizenship and technical expertise, between promotion of stability in governance and empowerment of people, between empowerment that is genuine and sustainable and empowerment that is artificial, and between a “war on poverty” that is built on the ideas of collaborative governance and one that is built on an assumption of rule of the elite. The poor have long been consigned to a group of “included-out” citizens. They are legally living in a place, but they are not afforded the same courtesies, entrusted with the same responsibilities, or respected in parallel processes as those citizens of greater means and those who behave in manners that are more consistent with “middle class” values. Poor citizens engaged in the “war on poverty” of the 1960s started to emerge and force their agenda through adversarial action and social protest. This book explores the clear linkages between engaged citizenship and poverty in the United States, revealing a war on poverty and impoverished citizenship that continues to develop in the twenty-first century.
Aggregate poverty would fall fairly rapidly if moderate growth in average consumption levels could be sustained and the poor could share at least proportionally in that growth. But it would take only small adverse shifts in the world distribution of income to wipe out the potential gains to the poor from economic growth.