Seminar paper from the year 2007 in the subject Politics - Topic: European Union, grade: 1.5, College of Europe, Natolin Campus (EU Institutions, Politics and Policies), language: English, abstract: Signed fifty years ago, the Treaty of Rome proclaimed an “ever closer union” by “establishing a common market and progressive approximation of the economic policies of member states” . This approximation had, however, a negative side effect –opposition to market integration, and after the sequence of enlargements – ardent resistance to any further European integration. Moreover, since the Maastricht Treaty, Eurosceptics have exploited a new battleground: ‘defence of national community’ in response to the erosion of national sovereignty and to the heightened job insecurity caused by market unification and liberalization process. As enlargement process was taking its course, Euroscepticism grew into a potent feature of the political landscape across the EU, by not only shaking confidence in the process of further enlargement, but also ‘provoking several attempts to re-theorize the process of European integration’ . Thus, for example, ‘soft eurosceptics’ (definition proposed by Paul Taggart and Aleks Szczerbiak ) opposed to the “EU’s current or future planned trajectory based on the future extension of competencies” , whereas the main objective of their ‘hard counterparts’ was “tantamount to being de facto opposed to EU membership” . In this paper we’ll try to analyse a phenomenon of hard Euroscepticism in the European Union by presenting Danish and British cases. We’ll demonstrate that sometimes hard Eurosceptic parties can be convinced of the case for European integration, despite their ardent anti-EU positions.
The creation of the European Union arguably ranks among the most extraordinary achievements in modern world politics. Observers disagree, however, about the reasons why European governments have chosen to co- ordinate core economic policies and surrender sovereign perogatives. This text analyzes the history of the region's movement toward economic and political union. Do these unifying steps demonstrate the pre-eminence of national security concerns, the power of federalist ideals, the skill of political entrepreneurs like Jean Monnet and Jacques Delors, or the triumph of technocratic planning? Moravcsik rejects such views. Economic interdependence has been, he maintains, the primary force compelling these democracies to move in this surprising direction. Politicians rationally pursued national economic advantage through the exploitation of asymmetrical interdependence and the manipulation of institutional commitments.
As the EU enters an increasingly uncertain phase after the 2016 Brexit referendum, Euroscepticism continues to become an increasingly embedded phenomenon within party systems, non-party groups and within the media. Yet, academic literature has paid little attention to the emergence of, and increased development of, transnational and pan-European networks of EU opposition. As the ‘gap’ between Europe’s mainstream political elites and an increasingly sceptical public has widened, pan-European spheres of opposition towards the EU have developed and evolved. The volume sets out to explain how such an innately contradictory phenomenon as transnational Euroscepticism has emerged. It draws on a variety of perspectives and case studies in a number of spheres – the European Parliament, political parties, the media, civil society and public opinion. Examining to what extent the pan-European dimension of Euroscepticism is becoming increasingly influential, it argues that opposition to European integration has for too long been viewed somewhat narrowly, through the paradigm of national party politics. This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and professionals in EU politics, European studies, political parties, and more broadly to comparative politics and international relations.
The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) are now established as one of the larger groups in the European Parliament and from 2014 to 2019 had more MEPs than the Liberals, Greens or radical left and right-wing factions. Despite this, ECR has so far been largely dismissed by political scientists, journalists and Brussels policy-makers as merely another Euro-sceptic faction. Representing the first major study of the political activities of ECR and its ‘Euro-realist’ agenda, this book argues that ECR ought to be recognised as the main voice for Conservatism in Strasbourg, promoting ‘Anglosphere’ free market values and the role of NATO in international relations. The book begins with an examination of the origins and early development of ECR, when British Conservative leader David Cameron established the group in a Euro-sceptic gesture to his party. Cameron failed, however, to see the isolating long-term consequences of withdrawing his MEPs from the powerful European People’s Party (EPP). Other chapters examine the role of ECR member parties in its development and profile – including Law and Justice (PiS) from Poland, the Czech Civic Democrats (ODS), the New Flemish Alliance (N-VA) and the Danish People’s Party (DF). Drawing on interviews with MEPs and other key figures, the book concludes with an analysis of the leadership and policy activities of ECR politicians in Brussels and Strasbourg in an attempt to measure influence.
What has been the political impact of the Eurozone Debt Crisis in the UK? To what extent have the bank collapses and bailouts reinforced Britain’s Eurosceptic trajectory? In this revised and updated second edition Chris Gifford addresses these key questions reflecting on the Labour government’s approach to Europe while exploring the extensive mobilisation of Eurosceptic forces in opposition to the Conservative-led coalition government.
This timely text provides a concise and readable assessment of the dynamics, character and consequences of opposition to European integration at all levels from elites and governments through parties and the media to voters and grass roots organizations.
The European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership that represents a unique form of cooperation among sovereign countries. The EU is the latest stage in a process of integration begun after World War II, initially by six Western European countries, to foster interdependence and make another war in Europe unthinkable. The EU currently consists of 28 member states, including most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has helped to promote peace, stability, and economic prosperity throughout the European continent. The EU has been built through a series of binding treaties. Over the years, EU member states have sought to harmonize laws and adopt common policies on an increasing number of economic, social, and political issues. EU member states share a customs union; a single market in which capital, goods, services, and people move freely; a common trade policy; and a common agricultural policy. Nineteen EU member states use a common currency (the euro), and 22 member states participate in the Schengen area of free movement in which internal border controls have been eliminated. In addition, the EU has been developing a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which includes a Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), and pursuing cooperation in the area of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) to forge common internal security measures. Member states work together through several EU institutions to set policy and to promote their collective interests. In recent years, however, the EU has faced a number of internal and external crises. Most notably, in a June 2016 public referendum, voters in the United Kingdom (UK) backed leaving the EU. The pending British exit from the EU (dubbed "Brexit") comes amid multiple other challenges, including the rise of populist and to some extent anti-EU political parties, concerns about democratic backsliding in some member states (including Poland and Hungary), ongoing pressures related to migration, a heightened terrorism threat, and a resurgent Russia. The United States has supported the European integration project since its inception in the 1950s as a means to prevent another catastrophic conflict on the European continent and foster democratic allies and strong trading partners. Today, the United States and the EU have a dynamic political partnership and share a huge trade and investment relationship. Despite periodic tensions in U.S.-EU relations over the years, U.S. and EU policymakers alike have viewed the partnership as serving both sides' overall strategic and economic interests. EU leaders are anxious about the Trump Administration's commitment to the EU project, the transatlantic partnership, and an open international trading system-especially amid the Administration's imposition of tariffs on EU steel and aluminum products since 2018 and the prospects of future auto tariffs. In July 2018, President Trump reportedly called the EU a "foe" on trade but the Administration subsequently sought to de-escalate U.S.-EU tensions and signaled its intention to launch new U.S.-EU trade negotiations. Concerns also linger in Brussels about the implications of the Trump Administration's "America First" foreign policy and its positions on a range of international issues, including Russia, Iran, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, climate change, and the role of multilateral institutions. This report serves as a primer on the EU. Despite the UK's vote to leave the EU, the UK remains a full member of the bloc until it officially exits the EU (which is scheduled to occur by October 31, 2019, but may be further delayed). As such, this report largely addresses the EU and its institutions as they currently exist. It also briefly describes U.S.-EU political and economic relations that may be of interest.
This timely text provides a concise and readable assessment of the dynamics, character and consequences of opposition to European integration at all levels from elites and governments through parties and the media to voters and grass roots organizations.
In today’s Europe, deep cracks are showing in the system of political cooperation that was designed to prevent the geopolitical catastrophes that ravaged the continent in the first half of the twentieth century. Europeans are haunted, once again, by the specters of nationalism, fascism, and economic protectionism. Instead of sounding the alarm, many conservatives have become cheerleaders for the demise of the European Union (EU). This compelling book represents the first systematic attempt to justify the European project from a free-market, conservative viewpoint. Although many of their criticisms are justified, Dalibor Rohac contends that Euroskeptics are playing a dangerous game. Their rejection of European integration places them in the unsavory company of nationalists, left-wing radicals, and Putin apologists. Their defense of the nation-state against Brussels, furthermore, is ahistorical. He convincingly shows that the flourishing of democracy and free markets in Europe has gone hand in hand with the integration project. Europe’s pre-EU past, in contrast, was marked by a series of geopolitical calamities. When British voters make their decision in June, they should remember that while Brexit would not be a political or economic disaster for the United Kingdom, it would not solve any of the problems that the “Leavers” associate with EU membership. Worse yet, its departure from the European Union would strengthen the centrifugal forces that are already undermining Europe's ability to solve the multitude of political, economic, and security challenges plaguing the continent today. Instead of advocating for the end of the EU, Rohac argues that conservatives must come to the rescue of the integration project by helping to reduce the EU’s democratic deficit and turning it into an engine of economic dynamism and prosperity. For the author’s video on Brexit, see https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cFReUnO05Fo
