Globalization and America's Trade Agreements reviews the theoretical framework as well as provides a historic context of impact of the United States’ complex trade agreements of the past 25 years. William Krist analyzes the issues in the recent rounds of GATT/WTO negotiations and in numerous U.S. free trade agreements and discusses how economists have approached trade policy and how historical experience has affected economic theory. He assesses the effect of trade deals on the U.S. economy, the role of foreign policy in trade negotiations, how trade can affect the economies of developing countries, and how environmental and labor concerns affect trade agreements. Trade has been an essential driver of global growth. Krist shows how trade policy has contributed to that growth and outlines what must be done to ensure it can continue to promote our national objectives. This book will serve as a valuable guide for those unfamiliar with trade policy and provides a challenging critique of trade policy for those already knowledgeable in the field.
The 1994 Summit of the Americas, the first such gathering of hemispheric leaders in over a generation, defined a new substantive agenda and architecture for United States-Latin American relations. The summit committed participating countries to negotiate a Free Trade Area of the Americas by 2005 and to defending the region's democratic institutions.This book, whose author actively participated in planning the summit, traces the White House's decision to convene the summit, analyzes the administration's foreign affairs decision making, and details the other countries' diplomatic strategies for contributing to the summit agenda. Feinberg critically assesses post-summit implementation and makes specific recommendations for the second summit, planned for 1998, and for maintaining the momentum for liberalization in the Americas.
Providing the first book-length analysis of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), this volume asks how can it be ensured that the AfCFTA is effectively implemented to deliver inclusive trade in Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) will cover an African market of 1.2 billion people and GDP of over $2.5 trillion, across all 55 member States of the African Union. Yet, trade policy increasingly appreciates that free trade is not enough; trade must also be inclusive to deliver developmental benefits. With contributions from leading trade policy authors across Africa and beyond, this book offers insights into the development and implementation of the AfCFTA and serves as a reference for stakeholders interested in trade in Africa more broadly. The contributors assess what important lessons can be drawn from the experiences of regional integration in and beyond Africa, including from success stories like ASEAN as well as from failures like the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas. An important new work for researchers and policymakers focusing on African trade and economic policy, and trade policy more generally.
"Agricultural Trade Liberalization investigates key issues in the Western Hemisphere, including potential scenarios for liberalization at the regional and multilateral levels, the effects of U.S. and European Union agricultural policies on trade, and the outcomes that a Free Trade Area of the Americas and a European Union-Mercosur trade agreement might have on agricultural trade flows. The book also examines the impact of sanitary and phytosanitary measures and biotechnology on agricultural trade, integration of sugar and dairy markets in the Americas, and a comparison of agri-food industries in the United States and Brazil. Finally, the book provides and overview of agricultural liberalization in the U.S.-Central American Free Trade Agreement and suggests a food security typology to be utilized by the World Trade Organization."--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved
"U.S. Representative Sherrod Brown - a leading progressive voice in Congress - takes apart free-trade dogma, myth by myth." "Ten years after NAFTA, free-trade policies have not brought prosperity to Mexican workers, and more than one million American jobs have been lost as a result of the agreement. Do free-trade pacts foster democracy? Brown examines the facts. Are fast-track agreements necessary to fight the war on terrorism? Brown dissects the arguments and the evidence."--BOOK JACKET.
'Free Trade and the Environment' examines the impact of international economic integration on the environment, taking as a case study the experience of Mexico, as it transformed itself from one of the most closed economies in the world to one of the mostopen.
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) entered into force on January 1, 1994. The agreement was signed by President George H. W. Bush on December 17, 1992, and approved by Congress on November 20, 1993. The NAFTA Implementation Act was signed into law by President William J. Clinton on December 8, 1993 (P.L. 103-182). The overall economic impact of NAFTA is difficult to measure since trade and investment trends are influenced by numerous other economic variables, such as economic growth, inflation, and currency fluctuations. The agreement likely accelerated and also locked in trade liberalization that was already taking place in Mexico, but many of these changes may have taken place without an agreement. Nevertheless, NAFTA is significant, because it was the most comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA) negotiated at the time and contained several groundbreaking provisions. A legacy of the agreement is that it has served as a template or model for the new generation of FTAs that the United States later negotiated, and it also served as a template for certain provisions in multilateral trade negotiations as part of the Uruguay Round. The 115th Congress faces numerous issues related to NAFTA and international trade. President Donald J. Trump has proposed renegotiating NAFTA, or possibly withdrawing from it. Congress may wish to consider the ramifications of renegotiating or withdrawing from NAFTA and how it may affect the U.S. economy and foreign relations with Mexico and Canada. It may also wish to examine the congressional role in a possible renegotiation, as well as the negotiating positions of Canada and Mexico. Mexico has stated that, if NAFTA is reopened, it may seek to broaden negotiations to include security, counter-narcotics, and transmigration issues. Mexico has also indicated that it may choose to withdraw from the agreement if the negotiations are not favorable to the country. Congress may also wish to address issues related to the U.S. withdrawal from the proposed Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement among the United States, Canada, Mexico, and 9 other countries. Some observers contend that the withdrawal from TPP could damage U.S. competitiveness and economic leadership in the region, while others see the withdrawal as a way to prevent lower cost imports and potential job losses. Key provisions in TPP may also be addressed in 'modernizing' or renegotiating NAFTA, a more than two decade-old FTA. NAFTA was controversial when first proposed, mostly because it was the first FTA involving two wealthy, developed countries and a developing country. The political debate surrounding the agreement was divisive with proponents arguing that the agreement would help generate thousands of jobs and reduce income disparity in the region, while opponents warned that the agreement would cause huge job losses in the United States as companies moved production to Mexico to lower costs. In reality, NAFTA did not cause the huge job losses feared by the critics or the large economic gains predicted by supporters. The net overall effect of NAFTA on the U.S. economy appears to have been relatively modest, primarily because trade with Canada and Mexico accounts for a small percentage of U.S. GDP. However, there were worker and firm adjustment costs as the three countries adjusted to more open trade and investment. The rising number of bilateral and regional trade agreements throughout the world and the rising presence of China in Latin America could have implications for U.S. trade policy with its NAFTA partners. Some proponents of open and rules-based trade contend that maintaining NAFTA or deepening economic relations with Canada and Mexico will help promote a common trade agenda with shared values and generate economic growth. Some opponents argue that the agreement has caused worker displacement.
Economic ties between Asia and Latin America are growing as a part of a global shift toward more South–South cooperation. Yet trade costs remain high, which may impede future interregional trade and integration. Furthermore, an emerging trans-Pacific trade architecture based on free trade agreements (FTAs) carries risks of a noodle bowl effect. This book examines new frontiers in Asia–Latin America integration through interregional comparative studies in three key areas: trade facilitation, logistics, and infrastructure; production networks, supply chains, and small and medium-sized enterprises; and FTAs. The chapters contributed by Asian, Latin American, and international experts provide new insights on regional integration, impediments, and policy issues.
