First published in 1966. This volume represents a selection by the Editors of unpublished and published documents dealing with foreign affairs, from the rise of the Younger Pitt (1792) to the death of Salisbury (1902). It contains both official papers and private letters; speeches and other public statements of policy.
First published in 1966. This volume represents a selection by the Editors of unpublished and published documents dealing with foreign affairs, from the rise of the Younger Pitt (1792) to the death of Salisbury (1902). It contains both official papers and private letters; speeches and other public statements of policy.
A challenging analysis of British Foreign Policy is provided at a time when Britain possessed the biggest Empire that humankind has ever known. In this Empire India had a unique position, comprising 97 per cent of Britain's Asiatic Empire. All British statesmen deemed it essential to maintain their hold over India whatever the risk or cost of doing so. This work focuses on aspects that have been hitherto marginalized. It also contributes to debates surrounding the origins of the First World War, the multipolar diplomacy of the late nineteenth century, and the nature of imperial connections.
A Companion to Nineteenth-Century Britain presents 33 essaysby expert scholars on all the major aspects of the political,social, economic and cultural history of Britain during the lateGeorgian and Victorian eras. Truly British, rather than English, in scope. Pays attention to the experiences of women as well as ofmen. Illustrated with maps and charts. Includes guides to further reading.
The Monroe Doctrine, "dollar diplomacy," the policy of the Good Neighbor—these well-known terms indicate the spectrum of the United States's relationships with its neighbors of the Western Hemisphere. Hemisphere thinking in the "Yankee" nation, founded on economic, political, and strategic needs, has come to encompass an appreciation of social and intellectual aspects as a vital part of a unified international unit. In The Western Hemisphere: Its Influence on United States Policies to the End of World War II, Wilfrid Hardy Callcott traces the rise of this awareness of the essential unity of the Western Hemisphere in international affairs. Although Callcott concentrates on the United States, he discusses all hemisphere countries, and his inclusion of Canada adds an additional dimension to previous studies on the subject. From the early days of the Republic to the end of World War I, the relations of the United Stales with its neighbors gradually developed from mere curiosity and from on-the-spot decision-making into policy. During the eighteenth century the persons entrusted with United States foreign policy pressed forward with their own country's westward expansion, while they expressed only an academic interest in the affairs of other Western Hemisphere nations from Canada to Brazil. By the end of the nineteenth century the United States had enthusiastically joined the imperialist nations. Although it soon replaced the use of force with economic controls, its military and economic manipulations naturally generated more fear and antagonism in the neighboring nations than cooperation and sympathy. After World War I, attention to the hemisphere was fostered by the need for strategic raw materials that were to be found from Canada to South America, and by Old World rivalries and needs that endangered New World interests. Canadian and Latin American views of Europe and the League of Nations became much like those of the United States. The new conditions that arose called forth the Good Neighbor policy to combine economic and strategic values in a complex program that included intellectual, social, and cultural elements. World War II accentuated the new consciousness and compelled recognition of the significance of hemisphere relationships in all of the New World nations.
In Defence of British India (1984) illustrates the problems arising from the British need to defend an Indian empire against the fluctuations in the European balance of power, preferably by isolating the empire from the European political system. The strategies devised by Britain to forestall and later to counter the expansion of European empires into the Middle East are known as the Great Game, which began in 1798 in response to the French invasion of Egypt. Later, the British planned an offensive in the Middle East itself as a means by which to defend their Indian empire.
Chief among the personnel at the Foreign Office is the Permanent Under-secretary, the senior civil servant who oversees the department and advises the Foreign Secretary. This book is a study of the twelve men who held this Office from 1854–1946.
"Harold Temperley was a leading Cambridge diplomatic historian of the interwar period and Master of Peterhouse at the time of his death in 1939. This biography sheds new light on the development of the British historical profession and contributes to our understanding of Cambridge life in the early twentieth century. It focuses on how Temperley's work affected the larger worlds of intellectual life and international politics outside his college." "A basic premise of this study is that Temperley was influenced by spiritual factors, especially the romantic literature and cultures of eastern Europe. He also exhibited, from his Victorian upbringing, a great confidence in the rightness of his own country's liberal institutions (in the Gladstone-Acton mode), and constantly sought intervention in the realm of public affairs. Early chapters lay a basis for Temperley's moral worldview and show how he and other scholars of the Cambridge History School struggled over whether history should be valued "for its own sake" or whether it should be regarded as a "school for statesmanship."" "During World War I, Temperley entered the active life. After brief service in Gallipoli he was assigned to the War Office, where he gathered intelligence on the Balkans and daily influenced British policy through his knowledge of that area and his ability to get on with the right people. At the end of the war he served as an "agent on mission" in southeastern Europe and was a member of the British delegation at the Paris Peace Conference. Vehemently anti-Italian, Temperley was instrumental in frustrating Italian Irredentist aims along the eastern Adriatic. Later he represented Britain on the Albanian boundary commission and served as a special advisor to A. J. Balfour with Britain's League of Nations delegation in Geneva in 1921." "Between the wars Temperley continued to mingle with persons in the highest echelons of government and academic affairs throughout Britain, Europe, and America. He gained notoriety for his compilation (with G. P. Gooch) of British Documents on the Origins of the War. This tempestuous story adds substantially to U. F. G. Eyck's biography of Gooch. Temperley also initiated The (Cambridge) Historical Journal and wrote a textbook (with A. J. Grant) entitled Europe in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, which is still used in many British educational institutions. His most famous pupil was Herbert Butterfield, whose seminal idea and book, The Whig Interpretation of History, was influenced by continuous contacts with his mentor at Peterhouse." "As president of the International Historical Congress as well as through a continuous outpouring of scholarly works, Temperley was an influential figure in the historical profession in the 1930s. However, his greatest influence occurred in the public realm when Neville Chamberlain read Temperley's book The Foreign Policy of Canning as he was formulating plans for a settlement of the Czechoslovakian problem in 1938. This work created an appealing historical parallel between George Canning's ideas in the 1820s and his own approach to Hitler, and it had a definite impact on Chamberlain's conduct during the Munich crisis."--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved