In 2007, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region held its first-ever contested election for Chief Executive, selected by 800 members of an Election Committee drawn from roughly 7% of the population. The outcome was a foregone conclusion, but the process allowed a pro-democracy legislator to obtain enough nominations to contest the election. The office of Chief Executive is as unique as the system used to fill the office, distinct from colonial governors and other leaders a Chinese provinces and municipalities. The head of the HKSAR enjoys greater autonomous powers, such as powers to nominate principal officials for Chinese appointment, pardon offenders and appoint judges. Despite its many anti-democratic features, the Election Committee has generated behavior typically associated with elections in leading capitalist democracies and has also gained prominence on the mainland as the vehicle for returning Hong Kong deputies to the National People's Congress. This book reviews the history and development of the Election Committee (and its predecessor), discusses its ties to legislative assemblies in Hong Kong and Mainland China, and reflects on the future of the system.
A close-up look at the struggle for democracy in Hong Kong. Hong Kong in the Shadow of China is a reflection on the recent political turmoil in Hong Kong during which the Chinese government insisted on gradual movement toward electoral democracy and hundreds of thousands of protesters occupied major thoroughfares to push for full democracy now. Fueling this struggle is deep public resentment over growing inequality and how the political system—established by China and dominated by the local business community—reinforces the divide been those who have profited immensely and those who struggle for basics such as housing. Richard Bush, director of the Brookings Institution’s Center on East Asia Policy Studies, takes us inside the demonstrations and the demands of the demonstrators and then pulls back to critically explore what Hong Kong and China must do to ensure both economic competitiveness and good governance and the implications of Hong Kong developments for United States policy.
This book is a unique contribution to the study of democratization in Hong Kong, with chapters including the legal tradition in Hong Kong, the features of Hong Kong's indigenous democracy, the 2014 Umbrella Movement, and the evolution of the Chief Executive election.
The study of patron-client politics is new to the study of Hong Kong political science. This book examines whether patron-client relations are critical to the electoral victory of candidates; how the political elites cultivate support from clients in order to obtain more votes during local elections; and tests the extent to which whether patron-client relations are crucial in order for candidates to obtain more ballots during elections. Covering patron-client politics and public administration in Hong Kong; the electoral dynamics including the Chief Executive elections and the Legislative Council elections; the cooptation of key elites by using patron-client mechanism; the study of the committees and elites who have been politically co-opted; the appointment mechanisms that have played a crucial role in patron-clientelism; and finally the China factor in the entire processes and politics of patron-client politics. Bruce Kwong finds that the better candidates cultivate patron-client relations, the greater their chance of winning the election; and the smaller the size of the electoral constituency, the greater the impact of patron-client relations. Finally, the book stresses the role of Beijing as a powerful patron shaping the Hong Kong Chief Executive and the latter’s clients and analyzes the political implications and long-term consequences of patron-client politics in Hong Kong.
The democratization of Hong Kong is enshrined in the Basic Law, Hong Kong¿s quasi-constitution that was passed by China¿s Nat. People¿s Congress prior to China¿s resumption of sovereignty over the ex-British colony on July 1, 1997. On Nov. 18, 2009, Hong Kong released the government¿s long-awaited ¿consultation document¿ on possible reforms for the city¿s next Chief Exec. and Legislative Council elections to be held in 2012. Contents of this report: (1) Overview; (2) Historical Background: The Basic Law and Hong Kong Elections; The Proposed Reforms of 2005; The Decision of Dec. 2007; (3) The 2008 Legco Elections; (4) The 2012 Elections; (5) The Consultation Document; (6) The Initial Response; (7) Implications of the Consultation Document. Illus.
This book reviews the political development of Hong Kong before and after 1997, in particular the evolution of state-society relations in the last two decades, to analyze the slow development of democracy and governance in Hong Kong after 1997. This book is a most comprehensive analysis of the multi-faceted changes in Hong Kong in the last 20 years. The scope of changes analyzed included state functions and institutions, political changes such as party development and development of the Legislative Council, and social changes such as social movements, civil liberties, etc. It helps the reader understand the crisis of governance of Hong Kong after 1997, and the difficulty of democratic development in Hong Kong over the years. The book covers: changing state institutions in Hong Kong in the last few decades; party development in Hong Kong; the changing role and function of the legislature in Hong Kong; the evolution of social movement and movement organizational forms; media freedom, civil liberties, and the role of civil society; and theoretical discussions concerning governance problems and state-society relations in Hong Kong. Special emphasis is placed on how these changes brought about a new state-society relation, which in turn brought governance difficulties after 1997.
Hong Kong is widely regarded as an exemplar of authoritarian jurisdictions with a positive history of adhering to Rule of Law–shaped governance systems. British Hong Kong provides a remarkable story of the effective development and consolidation of such a system, which has continued to apply since 1997, when it became the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) within the People’s Republic of China (PRC). This book adopts a fresh approach in examining the evolution of Hong Kong’s political-legal experience. It establishes that these prominent governance achievements were built on particular British constitutional foundations forged over many centuries. The work shows how the analysis of the British theorist Albert Dicey and, in particular, “Diceyan Constitutionalism” was fundamental, within the pivotal context of “Chinese Familism”, in shaping the development of governance institutions and operational procedures within the new British Colony. It discusses how Hong Kong’s system of Authoritarian Legality has come to pass. Exploring the essence of that system, the study probes how thoroughly it has been stress-tested, not least in 2019, and how well it may be placed to cope with tests yet to come. It also analyzes Hong Kong–Beijing relations and the long-term prospects for the HKSAR within the PRC based on a balanced contemporary assessment of China’s exceptional One Party State.
Effective since China's resumption of sovereignty on 1 July 1997, the Hong Kong Basic Law lays down the general policies and system of government for Hong Kong under the "one country, two systems" formula. It guarantees Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy, enshrines the rights and freedoms of residents, and preserves a separate common law system with an independent judiciary. This introduction traces the origins of the Hong Kong Basic Law and the concepts and legal issues that surround it. Drawing on the experience of the first 15 years, it then analyses the content of the Hong Kong Basic Law, especially in relation to Hong Kong's political system, the judiciary, and human rights. Intended especially for students at all levels in law, politics, and other disciplines, this book—the only introductory guide of its kind to the subject—will also appeal to the general reader interested in Hong Kong's experience under "one country, two systems". "Danny Gittings's Introduction to the Hong Kong Basic Law makes a significant contribution to an important subject. It is expressed in reader-friendly terms. The insights that it provides are of value not only to lawyers but also to the general public." —The Hon. Mr. Justice Kemal Bokhary, Permanent Judge of the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal (1997–2012), Non-Permanent Judge (2012– ). "This well-researched and very readable introduction explains the history, practices and future of the Basic Law—Hong Kong's key constitutional document. It also explores how far the Basic Law is able to address the many political and legal issues now facing Hong Kong. The book is suitable for a wide range of readers. Students of Hong Kong law at all levels will find it essential reading. General readers with an interest in Hong Kong's governance will find in it a lucid and accurate guide—and a timely one as the debate about implementing democracy intensifies." —Professor Fu Hualing, Faculty of Law, University of Hong Kong. "Many of us approach law books with trepidation. But Gittings, a legal academic, used to be a journalist and this shows in his ability to make the book accessible to the general reader. [...] The Basic Law will continue to be central to issues facing the city for years to come. This book enables the reader to quickly acquire a much better understanding of them." — South China Morning Post "As Professor Gittings points out in his book, which includes a chapter on what might happen after Hong Kong’s 50-year autonomy ends, readability was a key aim. Acronyms are kept to a minimum and details set up neatly and comprehensively in footnotes so that the main text is kept as clean as possible." — Hong Kong Lawyer
This book critically assesses the implementation of the "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) from the political, judicial, legal, economic and societal dimensions. The author contends that there has been a gradual process of mainlandization of the HKSAR, meaning that Hong Kong is increasingly economically dependent on the People's Republic of China (PRC), politically deferent to the central government on the scope and pace of democratic reforms, socially more patriotic toward the motherland and more prone to media self-censorship, and judicially more vulnerable to the interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress. This book aims to achieve a breakthrough in relating the development of Hong Kong politics to the future of mainland China and Taiwan. By broadening the focus of the "one country, two systems" from governance to the process of Sino-British negotiations and their thrust-building efforts, this book argues that the diplomats from mainland China and Taiwan can learn from the ways in which Hong Kong's political future was settled in 1982–1984. This is a book for students, researchers, scholars, diplomats and lay people.
The protests continued and both sides settled into a siege mentality and refused to compromise. The protests ended not with an agreement, nor a truce, but with the court that ordered the streets be cleared. Later, with the Legislative Council's vote about Beijing's election proposal a return to the status quo was enforced but did nothing for the lingering distrust between both sides. This book deals with the government reactions to those protests. It shows the various government public announcements, court injunctions and US reports which were strongly criticized by the Hong Kong government. Also included are the events of the Mong Kok riot during the 2016 Lunar New Year.
