Este libro cubre las elecciones de 1952 al 1964, desde el dominio maximo del PPD, en 1952, hasta el primer relevo de gobernadores, aunque del mismo partido, en 1964. Cubre el ascenso del movimiento Estadista y la caida del movimiento Independentista. This book covers the elections held in Puerto Rico between 1952 and 1964. That period saw the highest point in the dominance by the Popular Party; and it also saw the fall and rebirth of the pro-Statehood movement (from 12.87%% in '52 to 34.8%% in '64), coupled with the rise and fall of the pro-Independence movement (from 18.98%% in '52 to 2.81%% in '64).
On October 7th, 1985, the Mameyes community became known to Puerto Rico and the world. A massive landslide destroyed a large portion of it and buried alive a large number of its residents. As a remembrance the government built a monument but it has been abandoned, vandalized and profaned despite the fact that the whole area is the final resting place of those whose bodies couldn't be recovered. What was Mameyes? How did the residents live? How did this tragedy happen? Why did it happen? These questions and others will be answered and we will remember the people who lived in Mameyes. This book seeks to bring attention towards a community that was an important part of life in the city of Ponce, so future generations know about Mameyes and that it is not forgotten.
Tells the tragic story of Puerto Ricans who sought the post-Civil War regime of citizenship, rights, and statehood but instead received racist imperial governance.
http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/gplh3 http://www.epubli.de/shop/buch/48746 "Spanish colonial law, derecho indiano, has since the early 20th century been a vigorous subdiscipline of legal history. One of great figures in the field, the Argentinian legal historian Víctor Tau Anzoátegui, published in 1997 his Nuevos horizontes en el estudio histórico del derecho indiano. The book, in which Tau addressed seminal methodological questions setting tone for the discipline’s future orientation, proved to be the starting point for an important renewal of the discipline. Tau drew on the writings of legal historians, such as Paolo Grossi, Antonio Manuel Hespanha, and Bartolomé Clavero. Tau emphasized the development of legal history in connection to what he called “the posture superseding rational and statutory state law.” The following features of normativity were now in need of increasing scholarly attention: the autonomy of different levels of social organization, the different modes of normative creativity, the many different notions of law and justice, the position of the jurist as an artifact of law, and the casuistic character of the legal decisions. Moreover, Tau highlighted certain areas of Spanish colonial law that he thought deserved more attention than they had hitherto received. One of these was the history of the learned jurist: the letrado was to be seen in his social, political, economic, and bureaucratic context. The Argentinian legal historian called for more scholarly works on book history, and he thought that provincial and local histories of Spanish colonial law had been studied too little. Within the field of historical science as a whole, these ideas may not have been revolutionary, but they contributed in an important way to bringing the study of Spanish colonial law up-to-date. It is beyond doubt that Tau’s programmatic visions have been largely fulfilled in the past two decades. Equally manifest is, however, that new challenges to legal history and Spanish colonial law have emerged. The challenges of globalization are felt both in the historical and legal sciences, and not the least in the field of legal history. They have also brought major topics (back) on to the scene, such as the importance of religious normativity within the normative setting of societies. These challenges have made scholars aware of the necessity to reconstruct the circulation of ideas, juridical practices, and researchers are becoming more attentive to the intense cultural translation involved in the movement of legal ideas and institutions from one context to another. Not least, the growing consciousness and strong claims to reconsider colonial history from the premises of postcolonial scholarship expose the discipline to an unseen necessity of reconsidering its very foundational concepts. What concept of law do we need for our historical studies when considering multi-normative settings? How do we define the spatial dimension of our work? How do we analyze the entanglements in legal history? Until recently, Spanish colonial law attracted little interest from non-Hispanic scholars, and its results were not seen within a larger global context. In this respect, Spanish colonial law was hardly different from research done on legal history of the European continent or common law. Spanish colonial law has, however, recently become a topic of interest beyond the Hispanic world. The field is now increasingly seen in the context of “global legal history,” while the old and the new research results are often put into a comparative context of both European law of the early Modern Period and other colonial legal orders. In this volume, scholars from different parts of the Western world approach Spanish colonial law from the new perspectives of contemporary legal historical research."
“This collection, because of its exceptional theoretical coherence and sophistication, is qualitatively superior to the most frequently consulted anthologies on Latin American women’s history and literature . . . [and] represents a new, more theoretically rigorous stage in the feminist debate on Latin American women.”—Elizabeth Garrels, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Puerto Rico, like all the other US Territories, has a very limited participation in the process to elect the President. Both major parties have given Puerto Rico some delegates at their national convention. This book concentrates on the experience Puerto Rico has had on the nominating processes of both parties, particularly since 1980, when it began having presidential primaries. Unfortunately, once the primary season ends, Puerto Rico, like the rest of the territories, go back to be totally ignored by the presidential candidates. That's because the American citizens who live in Puerto Rico and the territories don't count at all in the general election. This unfair situation must change. The solution for this problem, in the case of Puerto Rico, is full admission into the union as a state. Puerto Rico has already voted twice in favor of becoming a state, in 2012 and 2017. It's time for Congress to act and grant the US citizens the political equality they have voted for.
The purpose of this book is to present, in one source, the most important election results of the general electoral events held in Puerto Rico between 1899 and 2012. I am including the results by municipality for the posts of Governor (1948-2012), Resident Commissioner (1900-2012, except 1906); mayors (1899-1900, 1906, 1976-present); District Representatives and Senators (1917-2012); At-Large Representatives and Senators (1917-2012). This work also includes the island wide or per municipality results of various referendums held in Puerto Rico, 1917, 1961, 1970, 1994, 2005 and 2012. It also includes the results of the status plebiscites held in 1951, 1967, 1993, 1998 and 2012.
The North American Mosaic has four overarching features. First, it is, to the extent feasible, based on comparable information on the status and trends of major indicators of the state of the environment in Canada,Mexico, and the United States. Second, the report confirms that these three countries together make up an incredibly complex, dynamic, and interconnected ecosystem in which humans play a dominant and decisive role. Third, the report raises important and sometimes disquieting questions concerning the sustainability of some current trends. Finally, the report is a reminder that our economic, social, and physical well-being are utterly dependent on the life-sustaining services provided by nature. This report emphasizes the importance of developing mutually compatible economic, social, and environmental goals and policies across the three-country region.
This volume explores the significations and developments of the Salsa consciente movement, a Latino musico-poetic and political discourse that exploded in the 1970s but then dwindled in momentum into the early 1990s. This movement is largely linked to the development of Nuyolatino popular music brought about in part by the mass Latino migration to New York City beginning in the 1950s and the subsequent social movements that were tied to the shifting political landscapes. Defined by its lyrical content alongside specific sonic markers and political and social issues facing U.S. Latinos and Latin Americans, Salsa consciente evokes the overarching cultural-nationalist idea of Latinidad (Latin-ness). Through the analysis of over 120 different Salsa songs from lyrical and musical perspectives that span a period of over sixty years, the author makes the argument that the urban Latino identity expressed in Salsa consciente was constructed largely from diasporic, deterritorialized, and at times imagined cultural memory, and furthermore proposes that the Latino/Latin American identity is in part based on African and Indigenous experience, especially as it relates to Spanish colonialism. A unique study on the intersection of Salsa and Latino and Latin American identity, this volume will be especially interesting to scholars of ethnic studies and musicology alike.
