This book studies the making of the postcolonial security relationships between Britain and Nigeria, and France and Côte d'Ivoire. It not only assesses the Cold War in West Africa, also Britain's military withdrawal from Africa, and France's continuously strong military footprint in the region
Where does Europe begin and end? How have the European Union and its precursors decided which countries are eligible to join the community and which are not? Few issues are more hotly debated, more important for the course of European integration, or more consequential for individuals in and around the EU. As this book demonstrates, the limits of Europe are determined by the values shared at particular moments in time by the leaders of the community's member states, regardless of their particular policy preferences. These membership norms shape the community's decisions on enlargement by empowering certain political forces and disempowering others. And contrary to conventional wisdom, these norms have changed considerably over time. The Limits of Europe: Membership Norms and the Contestation of Regional Integration uses a novel combination of normative genealogy, statistical analysis and detailed tracing of EU decision-making on Greece, Spain, Turkey and Ukraine to demonstrate that changing membership norms have had a stronger impact on the community's enlargement since the 1950s than treaty rules, the location of the states seeking membership, or even the commercial or security interests of member states.
There have been quite a lot of attempts to find out exactly what the impact of the Cold War on the Middle East was, and this from different disciplinary perspectives. This volumes tries to integrate the historical debate with new fresh insights thanks to the works of young scholars who are currently engaged in archival and field research. Algeria, Sudan, Jordan as well as Syria, Israel and Iran during the embattled 1950s and 1960s are the objects of this volume, which draws a much more complicated picture than one might expect. As a matter of fact, both the Cold War superpowers and their European allies proved constrained in their interventions to shape the political and economic dynamics of the region according to their own plans: on the contrary, Middle Eastern rulers enjoyed remarkable autonomy to achieve their goals, and fully exploited, in rhetorics and practice, the competition and rivalry which divided the industrial countries during the Cold War. The process of decolonization and the related construction of new patterns of national sovereignty and development were major issues at stake for both the Cold War camps and their postcolonial partners in the Middle East. Though peculiar, the region proved to be no exception to global trends. The so called “liberal” Fifties as well as the “radical” Sixties of the XXth century were times of great conflict and change, setting much of the institutions and patterns of development which lasted for three decades, at least, but also providing fresh opportunities for new social and politics groups to emerge and consolidate in power. In light of the current events in North Africa and the Middle East at large, this volume is a highly valuable contribution to the deeper and wider understanding of the region in itself as well as the patterns of its integration within the wider, global world
THE DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PHILIPPINES AND FRANCE DID NOT MERELY BEGIN OVER 70 YEARS AGO. The journey of discovery began even earlier, when French cartography was being developed as early routes to and around the Philippines were first being plotted by adventurous maritime explorers. The cover of this book depicts this journey: a French frigate bravely traverses the seas of Guillaume Deliste's 17th century world map, headed eastward in search of new discoveries, guided by the Philippine sun. As both countries rediscover each other by building an even better relationship in the future, it will be a continuous journey of both discovery and rediscovery.
Alliance and Illusion is the definitive assessment of the domestic and international aspects of Canadian foreign policy in the modern era. Robert Bothwell provides nuanced studies of Canada’s leaders and discusses international currents that drove Canadian external affairs, from American influence over Vietnam and the draft dodgers, to the French case of de Gaulle’s eruption into Quebec in 1967. This definitive recounting and assessment of Canadian foreign policy in the modern era fills a crucial gap in Canadian history and provides invaluable context for understanding Canada’s present-day foreign policy dilemmas.
Der Band enthält 26 Beiträge in deutscher, französischer und englischer Sprache. Die Themenvielfalt reicht von den angeblichen Nachfahren der burgundischen Gibelungen, Emotionen im frühen Mittelalter, der Bedeutung des Gangs nach Canossa und der liturgischen Verehrung Ludwigs des Heiligen über die Ursachen der Reformation, das Bild der Gallier im 18. Jahrhundert, die Aufhebung der Sklaverei in Louisiana, Alexander von Humboldt, die Rivalität deutscher und französischer Archäologen vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg, Deportationen während der Occupation und die Außenpolitik Charles de Gaulles bis zur aktuellen Digitalisierung der Bibliotheca Palatina.
Despite French President Charles de Gaulle's persistent efforts to constructively share French experience and use his resources to help engineer an American exit from Vietnam, the Kennedy administration responded to de Gaulle's peace initiatives with bitter silence and inaction. The administration's response ignited a series of events that dealt a massive blow to American prestige across the globe, resulting in the deaths of over fifty-eight thousand American soldiers and turning hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese citizens into refugees. This history of Franco-American relations during the Kennedy presidency explores how and why France and the US disagreed over the proper western strategy for the Vietnam War. France clearly had more direct political experience in Vietnam, but France's postwar decolonization cemented Kennedy's perception that the French were characterized by a toxic mixture of short-sightedness, stubbornness, and indifference to the collective interests of the West. At no point did the Kennedy administration give serious consideration to de Gaulle's proposals or entertain the notion of using his services as an honest broker in order to disengage from a situation that was rapidly spiraling out of control. Kennedy's Francophobia, the roots of which appear in a selection of private writings from Kennedy's undergraduate years at Harvard, biased his decision-making. The course of action Kennedy chose in 1963, a rejection of the French peace program, all but handcuffed Lyndon Johnson into formally entering a war he knew the United States had little chance of winning.
In American history the 1950s are remembered as an affluent and harmonious decade. Not so in Austria. That nation emerged out of World War II with tremendous war-related destruction and with a four-power occupation that would last for ten years until 1955. Massive American economic aid enabled the Austrian economy to start recovering in the 1950s and reorient it from East to West. Unlike the United States, however, general affluence did not set in until the 1960s and 1970s even though Austria's dramatic baby boom enabled it to recover from the demographic catastrophe resulting from manpower losses of World War II., This volume deals with these larger trends. Stephen E. Ambrose discusses American-European relations and sets the larger international context for the Austrian scene. Oilver Rathkolb retraces the changing importance of the Austrian question for the Eisenhower administration. Michael Gehler presents an in-depth analysis of the intriguing question of whether Austria's unification at the price of permanent neutrality might have been a model for Germany. Franz Mathis and Kurt Tweraser look at economic reconstruction and the roles played by both the Austrian public industrial sector and the American Marshall Plan. Karin Schmidlechner looks at the youth culture of the era. Franz Adlgasser shows how Herbert Hoover's food aid was instrumental in the containment of communism in Hungary. Beth Noveck analyzes Austrian political culture of the First Republic from the perspective of Hugo Bettauer. Rolf Steininger presents an insightful historical overview of how the Austro-Italian South Tyrol conflict was resolved after seventy-five years of tension.
In Kennedy, de Gaulle and Western Europe , Mahan revises prevailing interpretations of Franco-American relations during the early 1960s that either chastise de Gaulle for anti-Americanism or Kennedy for imposing U.S. policies on Europe. Summoning a wide range of French and American archival sources, this book demonstrates that the structure and dynamics of the Franco-American relationship during this period were embedded in complex multilateral relationships within the Western alliance.
Since the advent of the reign of Mohammed VI in 1999, Morocco has deployed a new continental foreign policy. The Kingdom aspires to be recognized as an emerging African power in its identity as well as in its space of projection. In order to meet these ambitions, the diplomatic apparatus is developing and modernizing, while a singular role identity is emerging around the notion of the "golden mean". This study presents, on an empirical level, the conditions of the elaboration and conduct of this Africa policy, and analyzes, on a theoretical level, the evolution of the Moroccan role identity in the international system.