Matthew Rendle studies how the most powerful social groups in tsarist Russia reacted to the challenges of 1917. He argues that the alienation of elites from the tsar and their support for the Provisional Government secured the initial success of the revolution, but the threat they posed laid the foundations of the repressive Soviet regime.
Main description: Much of the story about the Soviet Union's victory over Nazi Germany has yet to be told. In Motherland in Danger, Karel Berkhoff addresses one of the most neglected questions facing historians of the Second World War: how did the Soviet leadership sell the campaign against the Germans to the people on the home front? For Stalin, the obstacles were manifold. Repelling the German invasion would require a mobilization so large that it would test the limits of the Soviet state. Could the USSR marshal the manpower necessary to face the threat? How could the authorities overcome inadequate infrastructure and supplies? Might Stalin's regime fail to survive a sustained conflict with the Germans? Motherland in Danger takes us inside the Stalinist state to witness, from up close, its propaganda machine. Using sources in many languages, including memoirs and documents of the Soviet censor, Berkhoff explores how the Soviet media reflected-and distorted-every aspect of the war, from the successes and blunders on the front lines to the institution of forced labor on farm fields and factory floors. He also details the media's handling of Nazi atrocities and the Holocaust, as well as its stinting treatment of the Allies, particularly the United States, the UK, and Poland. Berkhoff demonstrates not only that propaganda was critical to the Soviet war effort but also that it has colored perceptions of the war to the present day, both inside and outside of Russia.
Through 30 interpretative essays, The Bloomsbury Handbook of the Russian Revolution sees an international team of leading scholars comprehensively examine Russia's revolutionary years. In the wake of the 2017 centenary, this handbook is the first reference point for anyone wishing to learn more about the changes which took place in Russia between 1917 and 1921 and subsequently the 20th century. Split into six sections covering political crises, politicians and parties, social groups, identities, regions and peoples, and civil war, the volume covers the collapse of Tsarism and the February Revolution, the emergence of the Provisional Government, and major historical figures such as Lenin, Kerensky and the Socialist Revolutionary leader Viktor Chernov. It also explores the events surrounding the Bolshevik seizure of power in October 1917, the first year of Soviet Government until the Bolshevik dictatorship was established, and the impact on Russia of the subsequent civil war. The focus is broader than these issues of high politics, however, since this handbook also considers events in the provinces as well as revolutionary Petrograd, and examines the social impact of the revolution in terms of class, gender, age and culture.
While everyday high level practices have become an important area of study, the everyday of the every(wo)man has been overlooked both in theoretical and empirical conceptualizations. Building on feminist, sociological, and ethnographic research, this book argues that everyday foreign policy is an assemblage – a combination of physical and cultural practices that inhabit digital and bodily spaces. Following the feminist call to liberate international relations from the straitjacket of high politics, this book contextualizes foreign policy within daily practices of regular citizens, who also have their own motivation behind reposting memes, eating a certain kind of cheese or shaming women for their dating preferences. This book focuses on Russian grass roots foreign policy after the annexation of Crimea, zeroing in on fetishization of Putin, militarization, sanctions, Russian-Turkish and Russian-American relations, FIFA World Cup and the COVID-19 pandemic.
In a global landscape, the representational practices through which inequalities gain meaning are central- both within and across national boundaries. Social Inequality & The Politics of Representation takes a fresh look at how inequalities of class, race, sexuality, gender, and nation are constructed in twenty countries on five continents. It offers both rich insight and cultural critique- yet it does not offer a universal paradigm, nor is it concerned with debates about scholarship from "the center" or "the periphery". The collection de-centers North American/European paradigms by placing scholarship from countries around the globe on equal footing. Readers will find a variety of analytical styles including frame analysis, semiotics, poststructural discourse analysis, critical discourse studies, and conversation analysis. Each chapter provides an overview of relevant cultural and historical contexts for an international audience as well as a brief introduction to relevant methodological and theoretical frameworks. Consequently, it is both a richly diverse and easily accessible collection.
In his biography of Stalin, Kotkin rejects the inherited wisdom about Stalin's psychological makeup, showing us instead how Stalin's near paranoia was fundamentally political and closely tracks the Bolshevik revolution's structural paranoia, the predicament of a Communist regime in an overwhelmingly capitalist world, surrounded and penetrated by enemies. At the same time, Kotkin posits the impossibility of understanding Stalin's momentous decisions outside of the context of the history of imperial Russia.
In December 1917, nine months after the disintegration of the Russian monarchy, the army officer corps, one of the dynasty’s prime pillars, finally fell—a collapse that, in light of World War I and the Bolshevik Revolution, historians often treat as inevitable. The Imperial Russian Army in Peace, War, and Revolution, 1856–1917 contests this assumption. By expanding our view of the Imperial Russian Army to include the experience of the enlisted ranks, Roger R. Reese reveals that the soldier’s revolt in 1917 was more social revolution than anti-war movement—and a revolution based on social distinctions within the officer corps as well as between the ranks. Reese’s account begins in the aftermath of the Crimean War, when the emancipation of the serfs and consequent introduction of universal military service altered the composition of the officer corps as well as the relationship between officers and soldiers. More catalyst than cause, World War I exacerbated a pervasive discontent among soldiers at their ill treatment by officers, a condition that reached all the way back to the founding of the Russian army by Peter I. It was the officers’ refusal to change their behavior toward the soldiers and each other over a fifty-year period, Reese argues, capped by their attack on the Provisional Government in 1917, that fatally weakened the officer corps in advance of the Bolshevik seizure of power. As he details the evolution of Russian Imperial Army over that period, Reese explains its concrete workings—from the conscription and discipline of soldiers to the recruitment and education of officers to the operation of unit economies, honor courts, and wartime reserves. Marshaling newly available materials, his book corrects distortions in both Soviet and Western views of the events of 1917 and adds welcome nuance and depth to our understanding of a critical turning point in Russian history.
