"The modern concept of competition law as a proper activity of the State (or group of States, in the case of regional integration areas), and the philosophical orientations that underlie that concept, are largely 'western' inventions. Shortly after the enactment of the first modern antitrust law in the world in Canada in 1889, the United States promulgated the Sherman Act in 1890, and throughout the 20th Century this iconic Act had an enduring and growing international influence. In many dimensions, the dominant paradigms of the competition laws of the United States and the European Union have been assumed to be models fit for emulation in the competition laws of nations around the globe. While the United States and European Union models have important differences, they both embrace (notwithstanding vibrant academic debates) the conceptual foundations of classical and neoclassical economic principles. The extent to which these models resonate and are received as 'transplants' in other parts of the world, and in the present case East Asia, is an ongoing matter of inquiry and debate"--
"The modern concept of competition law as a proper activity of the State (or group of States, in the case of regional integration areas), and the philosophical orientations that underlie that concept, are largely 'western' inventions. Shortly after the enactment of the first modern antitrust law in the world in Canada in 1889, the United States promulgated the Sherman Act in 1890, and throughout the 20th Century this iconic Act had an enduring and growing international influence. In many dimensions, the dominant paradigms of the competition laws of the United States and the European Union have been assumed to be models fit for emulation in the competition laws of nations around the globe. While the United States and European Union models have important differences, they both embrace (notwithstanding vibrant academic debates) the conceptual foundations of classical and neoclassical economic principles. The extent to which these models resonate and are received as 'transplants' in other parts of the world, and in the present case East Asia, is an ongoing matter of inquiry and debate"--
Confucianism and Reflexive Modernity offers an excellent example of a dialogue between East and West by linking post-Confucian developments in East Asia to a Western idea of reflexive modernity originally proposed by Ulrich Beck, Anthony Giddens, and Scott Lash in 1994. The author makes a sharp confrontation with the paradigm of Asian Value Debate led by Lee Kwan-Yew and defends a balance between individual empowerment and flourishing community for human rights, basically in line with Juergen Habermas, but in the context of global risk society, particularly from an enlightened perspective of Confucianism. The book is distinguished by sophisticated theoretical reflection, comparative reasoning, and solid empirical argument concerning Asian identity in transformation and the aspects of reflexive modernity in East Asia.
Taking an inter-disciplinary approach, Spruyt explains the political organization of three non-European international societies from early modernity to the late nineteenth century. The Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal empires; the Sinocentric tributary system; and the Southeast Asian galactic empires, all which differed in key respects from the modern Westphalian state system. In each of these societies, collective beliefs were critical in structuring domestic orders and relations with other polities. These multi-ethnic empires allowed for greater accommodation and heterogeneity in comparison to the homogeneity that is demanded by the modern nation-state. Furthermore, Spruyt examines the encounter between these non-European systems and the West. Contrary to unidirectional descriptions of the encounter, these non-Westphalian polities creatively adapted to Western principles of organization and international conduct. By illuminating the encounter of the West and these Eurasian polities, this book serves to question the popular wisdom of modernity, wherein the Western nation-state is perceived as the desired norm, to be replicated in other polities.
This book collects some of the most influential scholars in international relations who focus on Asia globally in exploring the challenges of diplomacy faced in Asia as US policy drastically changes. The president-elect has suggested policies which, if implemented, would radically transform the way that the region functions; what will this mean in practice? China's government is also retrenching nationalist positions; what is the future of China, and what does that mean for the region? A wide range of distinguished scholars, concerned about the future, have contributed their thoughts in an attempt to spark a global dialogue.
This volume shows the influence of the Sage's teachings over the course of Chinese history--on state ideology, the civil service examination system, imperial government, the family, and social relations--and the fate of Confucianism in China in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as China developed alongside a modernizing West and Japan. Some Chinese intellectuals attempted to reform the Confucian tradition to address new needs; others argued for jettisoning it altogether in favor of Western ideas and technology; still others condemned it angrily, arguing that Confucius and his legacy were responsible for China's feudal, ''backward'' conditions in the twentieth century and launching campaigns to eradicate its influences. Yet Chinese continue to turn to the teachings of Confucianism for guidance in their daily lives.
This book presents a great deal of new primary research on a wide range of aspects of early modern East Asia. Focusing primarily on maritime connections, the book explores the importance of international trade networks, the implications of technological dissemination, and the often unforeseen consequences of missionary efforts. It demonstrates the benefi ts of a global history approach, outlining the complex interactions between Western traders and Asian states and entrepreneurs. Overall, the book presents much interesting new material on this complicated and understudied period. .
Seventeen scholars from varying fields here consider the implications of Confucian concerns--self-cultivation, regulation of the family, social civility, moral education, well-being of the people, governance of the state, and universal peace--in industrial East Asia.
East Asia is one of the most dynamic areas of political change in the world today-what role do citizens play in these processes of change? Drawing upon a unique set of coordinated public opinion surveys conducted by the World Values Survey, this book provides a dramatically new image of the political cultures of East Asia. Most East Asian citizens have strong democratic aspirations, even in still autocratic nations. Most East Asians support liberal market reforms, even in nations where state socialism has been dominant. The books findings thus provide a new perspective on the political values of Asian publics. We demonstrate that the dramatic socioeconomic changes of the past several decades have transformed public opinion, altering many of the social norms traditionally identified with Asian values, and creating public support for further political and economic modernization of the region. Political culture in East Asia is not an impediment to change, but creates the potential for even greater democratization and marketization. Comparative Politics is a series for students and teachers of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. The General Editors are Max Kaase, Professor of Political Science, Vice President and Dean, School of Humanities and Social Science, International University Bremen, Germany; and Kenneth Newton, Professor of Comparative Politics, University of Southampton. The series is produced in association with the European Consortium for Political Research.