Thompson examines the U.S. role--both governmental and that of Irish-Americans--in attempting to bring a resolution to the strife in Northern Ireland. He concentrates on the efforts since 1967, particularly the growth of American efforts to become the central humanitarian player in the peace process. The U.S. government stance was initially one of strict non-involvement. However, in the aftermath of Vietnam and Watergate, diminished White House authority encouraged Irish-American groups to challenge the traditional Irish policy. Movement away from strict non-involvement began with Congressional concern for the rising specter of Irish-American anger at the treatment of northern Irish Catholics. An important transition to humanitarian policy occurred during the Reagan Administration. Contributing factors that helped the U.S. government take a new direction in foreign policy were America's failure to respond to the escalation of Northern Ireland violence, a strong personal ethnic tie between the U.S. President and Speaker of the House O'Neill, a personal link between President Reagan and Prime Minister Thatcher, and intense lobbying by Irish-Americans and the Irish government. After a brief period of silent diplomacy during the Bush administration, the Clinton administration succeeded in a public blitz to endorse steps necessary to bring peace closer.
For almost forty years, Fr Sean McManus has been at the heart of the Irish American campaign to pressurise the British government regarding injustice in Northern Ireland. This is a deeply personal account of how his lone voice mainstreamed Northern Ireland on Capitol Hill, after the Catholic Church removed him from Britain. He became 'Britain's nemesis in America', founding the Irish National Caucus in 1974. Also chronicles the events and social context that influenced him, growing up in a parish divided by the Border.
The 1998 Belfast Agreement promised to release citizens of Northern Ireland from the grip of paramilitarism. However, almost a decade later, Loyalist paramilitaries were still on the battlefield. After the Peace examines the delayed business of Loyalist demilitarization and explains why it included more fits than starts in the decade since formal peace and how Loyalist paramilitary recalcitrance has affected everyday Loyalists. Drawing on interviews with current and former Loyalist paramilitary men, community workers, and government officials, Carolyn Gallaher charts the trenchant divisions that emerged during the run-up to peace and thwart demilitarization today. After the Peace demonstrates that some Loyalist paramilitary men want to rebuild their communities and join the political process. They pledge a break with violence and the criminality that sustained their struggle. Others vow not to surrender and refuse to set aside their guns. These units operate under a Loyalist banner but increasingly resemble criminal fiefdoms. In the wake of this internecine power struggle, demilitarization has all but stalled. Gallaher documents the battle for the heart of Loyalism in varied settings, from the attempt to define Ulster Scots as a language to deadly feuds between UVF, UDA, and LVF contingents. After the Peace brings the story of Loyalist paramilitaries up to date and sheds light on the residual violence that persists in the post-accord era.
The Clinton administration's controversial decision to grant Sinn F�in leader Gerry Adams a visa to enter the U.S. and Adams's subsequent fundraising activities here have received wide media coverage. That the U.S. is playing a part in events concerning Northern Ireland should surprise no one. Americans of Irish descent have long used their economic and political power to influence events in Northern Ireland; this influence continues today as the two sides negotiate peace. Here Andrew J. Wilson tells the complex, fascinating story of Irish America's longtime role in the Ulster crisis. He sets the stage with a summary of Irish-American involvement in Irish politics from 1800 to 1968, and then focuses on the growth and development of both militant and constitutional nationalist groups in the U.S. and their impact on events in Northern Ireland and on British policies there. His gripping narrative is based on interviews with leading activists on both sides of the Atlantic and extensive research through government records, materials in private collections, newspapers, and letters. Wilson gives a comprehensive account of how militant Irish- American groups have supported the IRA through gunrunning, financial disbursements, and aid to members on the run. He analyzes tactics used by the various groups to win publicity and public sympathy for their cause and documents techniques employed by the FBI to break the gunrunning networks. In his examination of Irish-American support for constitutional nationalism, Wilson focuses on the influence of the Friends of Ireland group in Congress and its attempts to shape British policy in Ulster. He shows how the lobbying of prominent Irish-American politicians Edward M. Kennedy, Daniel P. Moynihan, Thomas P. O'Neill, and Hugh Carey influenced U.S. government policies and provided the Dublin government with leverage to use in diplomatic relations with the British. Wilson sheds light on the role played by the U.S. government, probes the activities of reconciliation and investment groups, and considers how Northern Ireland has been presented in the American media. This comprehensive study of Irish America's impact on the Troubles in Northern Ireland will be of immediate interest not only to Americans of Irish descent but to all with an interest in modern history and U.S.-British relations. Andrew J. Wilson was born in Dungannon, Northern Ireland, of mixed Protestant and Catholic ancestry. He studied at Manchester Polytechnic and Queen's University Belfast, and later earned his Ph.D. in European history from Loyola University of Chicago, where he now teaches. His writings have appeared in a number of journals, including Eire- Ireland, The Recorder, and The Irish Review. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ By far the best study of Irish America and the Northern Ireland problem.--Lawrence J. McCaffrey, Professor of History (Emeritus), Loyola University of Chicago
'An excellent book.' Irish Voice (New York)Ties between political activists in Black America and Ireland span several centuries, from the days of the slave trade to the close links between Frederick Douglass and Daniel O'Connell, and between Marcus Garvey and Eamon de Valera. This timely book traces those historic links and examines how the struggle for black civil rights in America in the 1960s helped shape the campaign against discrimination in Northern Ireland. The author includes interviews with key figures such as Angela Davis, Bernadette McAliskey and Eamonn McCann.
Focusing on Irish speakers in Catholic West Belfast, this ethnography on Irish language and identity explores the complexities of changing, and contradictory, senses of Irishness and shifting practices of 'Irish culture' in the domains of language, music, dance and sports. The author’s theoretical approach to ethnicity and ethnic revivals presents an expanded explanatory framework for the social (re)production of ethnicity, theorizing the mutual interrelations between representations and cultural practices regarding their combined capacity to engender ethnic revivals. Relevant not only to readers with an interest in the intricacies of the Northern Irish situation, this book also appeals to a broader readership in anthropology, sociology, cultural studies, history and political science concerned with the mechanisms behind ethnonational conflict and the politics of culture and identity in general.
British troops, which arrived as a temporary measure, would remain in Ireland for the next 38 years. Successive British governments initially claimed the Northern Ireland conflict to be an internal matter but the Republic of Ireland had repeatedly demanded a role, appealing to the UN and US, while across the Atlantic, Irish-American groups applied pressure on Nixon's largely apathetic administration to intervene. Following the introduction of internment and the events of Bloody Sunday, the British were forced to recognise the international dimension of the conflict and begrudgingly began to concede that any solution would rely on Washington and Dublin's involvement. Irish governments seized every opportunity to shape the political initiative that led to Sunningdale and Senator Edward Kennedy became the leading US advocate of American intervention while Nixon, who wanted Britain onside for his Cold War objectives, was faced with increasingly influential domestic pressure groups. Eventually, international involvement in Northern Ireland would play a vital role in shaping the principles on which political agreement was reached - even after the breakdown of the Sunningdale Agreement in May 1974. Using recently released archives in the United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland and United States, Alan MacLeod offers a new interpretation of the early period of Northern Ireland's 'Troubles'.
The Clinton administration's controversial decision to grant Sinn F�in leader Gerry Adams a visa to enter the U.S. and Adams's subsequent fundraising activities here have received wide media coverage. That the U.S. is playing a part in events concerning Northern Ireland should surprise no one. Americans of Irish descent have long used their economic and political power to influence events in Northern Ireland; this influence continues today as the two sides negotiate peace. Here Andrew J. Wilson tells the complex, fascinating story of Irish America's longtime role in the Ulster crisis. He sets the stage with a summary of Irish-American involvement in Irish politics from 1800 to 1968, and then focuses on the growth and development of both militant and constitutional nationalist groups in the U.S. and their impact on events in Northern Ireland and on British policies there. His gripping narrative is based on interviews with leading activists on both sides of the Atlantic and extensive research through government records, materials in private collections, newspapers, and letters. Wilson gives a comprehensive account of how militant Irish- American groups have supported the IRA through gunrunning, financial disbursements, and aid to members on the run. He analyzes tactics used by the various groups to win publicity and public sympathy for their cause and documents techniques employed by the FBI to break the gunrunning networks. In his examination of Irish-American support for constitutional nationalism, Wilson focuses on the influence of the Friends of Ireland group in Congress and its attempts to shape British policy in Ulster. He shows how the lobbying of prominent Irish-American politicians Edward M. Kennedy, Daniel P. Moynihan, Thomas P. O'Neill, and Hugh Carey influenced U.S. government policies and provided the Dublin government with leverage to use in diplomatic relations with the British. Wilson sheds light on the role played by the U.S. government, probes the activities of reconciliation and investment groups, and considers how Northern Ireland has been presented in the American media. This comprehensive study of Irish America's impact on the Troubles in Northern Ireland will be of immediate interest not only to Americans of Irish descent but to all with an interest in modern history and U.S.-British relations. Andrew J. Wilson was born in Dungannon, Northern Ireland, of mixed Protestant and Catholic ancestry. He studied at Manchester Polytechnic and Queen's University Belfast, and later earned his Ph.D. in European history from Loyola University of Chicago, where he now teaches. His writings have appeared in a number of journals, including Eire- Ireland, The Recorder, and The Irish Review. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ By far the best study of Irish America and the Northern Ireland problem.--Lawrence J. McCaffrey, Professor of History (Emeritus), Loyola University of Chicago
In Northern Ireland, The United States and the Second World War, Simon Topping analyses the American military presence in Northern Ireland during the war, examining the role of the government at Stormont in managing this 'friendly invasion', the diplomatic and military rationales for the deployment, the attitude of Americans to their posting, and the effect of the US presence on local sectarian dynamics. He explores US military planning, the hospitality and entertainment provided for American troops, the renewal and reimagining of historic links between Ulster and the United States, the importation of 'Jim Crow' racism, 'Johnny Doughboys' marrying 'Irish Roses', and how all of this impacted upon internal, transatlantic and cross-border politics. This study also draws attention to influential and understudied individuals such as Northern Ireland's Prime Minister Sir Basil Brooke and offers a reassessment of David Gray, America's minister to Dublin. As a result, it provides a comprehensive examination of largely overlooked aspects of the war and Northern Ireland more generally, and fills important gaps in the history of both. Northern Ireland, The United States and the Second World War is essential for students and scholars interested in the history of Northern Ireland, American-Irish relations, the Second World War on the UK home-front, and wartime transatlantic diplomacy.
To the IRA and its supporters the American connection meant guns and money. This volume reviews the flow of money and illegal munitions to the IRA from the US, and dissects the American press's often ill-informed reporting on the crisis in Northern Ireland.
