Statistics of early 2010 estimate that the Palestinian refugee population has reached over 7.5 million refugee, i.e. approximately 70% of the Palestinian population. With the majority of them displaced in 1948 and denied their right to return until today, these refugees constitute the oldest and largest living refugee problem in contemporary history. For more than 60 years, these millions experienced suffering and hardships as daily routine; waiting endlessly for the realization of their right and their dream of returning to their homeland. Hence, Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations presents to the readers this book, the 6th of the humanitarian series Am I Not a Human?, entitled “The Suffering of the Palestinian Refugee”. The book aims at comprehensively covering the various aspects of the refugees’ suffering, since their expulsion in 1948; their distribution and living conditions (legal, social, economic, education, health, and security) in places of refuge and Diaspora; their legal status and rights in international law, namely their right to compensation and return; and the various settlement and naturalization schemes that were deliberately planned but failed against the refugees’ determinacy to resist such schemes, and their clinching to their right of return. It concludes by arguing that the right of return is inalienable, sacred, legitimate, and most importantly feasible; when the intentions are sincere and the wills are put into serious action and pressure against the Israeli Occupation. The book falls in 128 pages of medium size.
In 2002, the Israeli Occupation started the construction of the Separation Wall in the West Bank. This Wall aggravated the suffering of the Palestinians living in the West Bank, denying them many of their basic rights in addition to the freedom of movement. This book sheds light on the various dimensions of this suffering: on social, economic, educational and health levels. It starts with demonstrating the development of “The Wall” idea in the Israeli Occupation mentality, contending the Israeli argument of “security” purposes behind the construction, and illustrating the various political and settlement-expansion motives. It also considers the International law position from the wall, including the 2004 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the illegality of the Wall. The book explores the stance of the Israeli Supreme Court towards the Wall and some of its rulings to modify its route. The book then moves to discussing the various humanitarian impacts of the wall on the lives of the Palestinian people. Among theses impacts: land expropriation,housedemolitions,restricting movement, denying accessibility to basic services like education, work and health; added to social issues of isolation and further fragmentation of the Palestinian Society. The book also studies the Wall in Jerusalem in a separate chapter. This Wall is a manifestation of Israel’s most important goals; Judaizing the city, confiscating its lands, surrounding it with settlements and walls, and pressuring the indigenous Jerusalemites into leaving the city. It dedicates another chapter to the case of Bil‘in village as a form of possible popular resistance against the Wall, explaining the innovative ideas to resist the Wall and how the Israelis were testing “non-lethal” weapons to disperse protesters there. One of Bil‘in’s most notable achievement is represented in the decision of the Israeli Supreme Court to amend the route of the Wall passing on its land. The book falls in 118 pages of medium size, and addresses the hearts and minds with the most accurate and documented information. This series is a rich interactive documentation of the Palestinian suffering under the Israeli occupation. It focuses on the Israeli violations of the Palestinians’ basic human rights.
This 224 page book presents a general overview of the Palestinian issue, by tracing its historical junctures and its current developments. For the reader, this will facilitate his comprehension of its overall picture, the intertwined factors connected to it, at any stage and in a logical sequence, up to the present stage. This book is of special importance to the group of readers who wish to get a general idea of the Palestinian issue, or those who do not find time for detailed specialized studies. The book is written in a smooth English language, and is full of information updated till 2013; all the while retaining a scientific, academic and documented wording, far from emotional structural discourse. In its first chapter, the book deals with the background of the Palestinian issue until 1918. It reviews Palestine’s history through the ages, its geography, its Islamic standing, and the Jews’ religious and historical claims in Palestine, up to the emergence of the Palestinian issue in modern history, in addition to its political developments up to the end of World War I in 1918. The second chapter highlights the period of the British occupation of Palestine during 1918–1948. It discusses the development of the Zionist project, the emergence of the Palestinian National Movement and the 1936 Palestinian Revolt, as well as the political events that followed, up to the 1948 war and its repercussions. The third chapter reviews the issue’s developments during the period 1948–1967, focusing on the development of the Palestinian national movement, the birth of Fatah movement, the establishment of the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), and the war of June 1967 and its repercussions. As for the fourth chapter, it addresses the period 1967–1987 up to the outbreak of the first Intifadah in 1987, shedding light on the emergence of the Palestinian national identity, the development of the Palestinian armed struggle, the Arab countries’ role in the Palestinian issue, and the emergence of the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas). The fifth chapter deals with the period starting with the outbreak of the 1987 Intifadah until the failure of the Camp David negotiations in 2000, going through the inception of Hamas, the transition of the PLO from armed struggle to peaceful settlement, the formation of the Palestinian National Authority, and the developments that Israel had witnessed during the same period. The last chapter in the book reviews the developments that occurred following the outbreak of al-Aqsa Intifadah in September 2000 and until 2013. It is divided into subjects that include the Palestinian resistance, the Palestinian internal situation, the path of the peaceful negotiations, Jerusalem and the status quo, the Separation Wall, and the Israeli internal situation. This book is an important source for readers seeking to acquaint themselves with the Palestinian issue, and to become informed of the pertinent facts in a balanced manner. It can also serve as an introduction to further studies of the Palestinian issue.
This book is the first full-length study of the birth of the Palestinian refugee problem. Based on recently declassified Israeli, British and American state and party political papers and on hitherto untapped private papers, it traces the stages of the 1947-9 exodus against the backdrop of the first Arab-Israeli war and analyses the varied causes of the flight. The Jewish and Arab decision-making involved, on national and local levels, military and political, is described and explained, as is the crystallisation of Israel's decision to bar a refugee repatriation. The subsequent fate of the abandoned Arab villages, lands and urban neighbourhoods is examined. The study looks at the international context of the war and the exodus, and describes the political battle over the refugees' fate, which effectively ended with the deadlock at Lausanne in summer 1949. Throughout the book attempts to describe what happened rather than what successive generations of Israeli and Arab propagandists have said happened, and to explain the motives of the protagonists.
Al-Zaytouna Centre has published the second edition of The Process of Israeli Decision Making by Karim El-Gendy. The 272-page book is an attempt to understand the Israeli decision-making process, and to bridge the literature gap by relating domestic factors with decision-making and foreign policy. El-Gendy aims to discuss the Israeli decision making process from three different viewpoints. The decision makers and the formal relationship between them, the structural forces and influences inherent in the decision making mechanism, and the external factors that influence the decision making process. The author explains how elements and forces within the labyrinth of the Israeli society exert influence on the decision-making mechanism and on how foreign policy and national security decisions are made. He expands on a number of external forces, or forces external to the decision-making process that are powerful enough to influence it. El-Gendy discusses the influence of five forces; the military, the advisors, two religious groups, the relationship with the United States, and the relationship with the Jewish Diaspora. This book attempts to take holistic approach to the decision-making process and avoid focusing its attention solely on decision-making in crisis situations.
This annual referential report, has become an essential classic in the academic realm of Palestinian Studies. It includes the latest and most recent statistical and analytic data on the various developments related to the Palestinian issue. ** Al-Zaytouna Centre is pleased to present to its readers the Palestine Strategic Report (PSR) 2018–2019, the 11th PSR to be published. With an academic methodology and comprehensive, and objective approach, the report comprehensively details developments concerning the Palestine issue and provides the latest information and data available at the end of 2019, along with analyses and forecasts running into 2020–2021. This report is the result of collaborative work between 14 experts and researchers. In eight chapters, it addresses the internal Palestinian scene; Palestinian demographic and economic indicators; the situation in Jerusalem and the holy sites; the specifics of Israeli aggression, Palestinian resistance and the peace process; the complexities of Israeli-Palestinian dynamics, including the internal situation in Israel; and Palestine’s Arab, Islamic and international relations. The PSR now occupies a prominent position as an indispensable reference document, integral to Palestine studies and research. Al-Zaytouna Centre hopes the PSR will continue to make valuable contributions in this field.
This book is not merely the autobiography of Mr. Ibrahim Ghusheh, it is also a living testimony of the Palestinian and Jordanian Muslim Brothers’ experience over a fifty years span. Ghusheh’s memoirs are characterized by their clarity and candor. They bring to light many of Hamas’ stands and viewpoints regarding a number of issues, which could be considered points of controversy among researchers, in particular during the period leading to al-Aqsa Intifadah. Please, contact us or our agents to get the full printed edition. *** Presented by Dr. Mohsen Moh’d Saleh, General Manager of al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations. For the first time, one of Hamas prominent leaders in Diaspora publishes his autobiography. Indeed, it is a testament to the era, and to the experience of the Muslim Brothers Movement (MB) and Hamas described by an insider. When Ibrahim Ghusheh himself talks about the experience of the Muslim Brothers in Jordan and Palestine and about Hamas’s experience, doubtless he will attract all specialists and researchers, whether in the Palestinian issue or the Islamic Movement. These memoirs are rich with information published for the first time by a man who has lived in the Jordanian and Palestinian MB environment for over 50 years, and acted as Hamas’s official spokesperson in 1991–1999. They also reflect the life and vision of one of the most prominent political decision makers, especially in the first 12 years of the movement’s inception. In fact, the life and experience of the author make the book an indispensable source of information for researchers and scholars of the Palestinian issue, especially the Islamic Palestinian trend. The choice of the title is meant to take the reader to the atmosphere of Jerusalem where the author grew up to see the red minaret of a mosque near his house. The language Ghusheh uses in this 13-chapter book is simple and explicit, where the social, familial, and humanitarian side intermingles with the ideological, political and resistance side, away from artificiality, and from the ego, which is heavily found in memoirs. Ultimately, the reader is presented with a person who firmly believes in his ideology, loyal to and ready to sacrifice for it. Birth, Upbringing and al-Nakbah (Catastrophe) Ibrahim Ghusheh was born in 1936, a month following the first stage of the Palestinian Revolt. In the first chapter, Ghusheh talks about his family and childhood memories, while describing Jerusalem and al-Aqsa Mosque before 1948. In the second chapter, he describes his memories of al-Nakbah of 1948, al-Qastal Battle, the killing of ‘Abdul Qadir al-Husseini, and his family’s need to move to Jericho before going back to Jerusalem once again. Ghusheh also talks about the growing political interest among the youths, and the attempts to identify the best way for liberating Palestine. He mentions his attraction in Grade Six to the lessons presented by Sheikh Taqiyuddin al-Nabahani in the Muslim Brothers Division, and then his enrollment in the MB in Grade Seven, following the footsteps of his elder brother Musa, and his maternal cousin, Mahmud al-‘Arian. He then talks about the beginnings of Hizb ut-Tahrir (Liberation Party) in Jerusalem, and how al-Nabahani could attract most MB scholars and intellectuals, while only a limited number were left out, like Zakariyya Qneibi and Ibrahim Abu ‘Arafah. He also describes how the Muslim Brothers regained the lead, benefiting from the growing strength of the MB in Egypt and east Jordan, and from the return of students who were studying in Egypt. He also mentions how the likes of Shehadeh al-Ansari, Salem ‘Ali Salem and Muhammad Nimr Wehbeh participated in the re-organization and enhancement of MB work in Jerusalem. Ghusheh sheds light as well on the activities of the Muslim Brothers in Jerusalem until 1954. In the third chapter, Ghusheh talks about the rest of the 50s, especially his study of engineering in Egypt, and about underground work of the Palestinian and Jordanian Muslim Brothers due to the difficult security conditions during Nasser’s rule. He mentions the coordination between the Brothers coming from Jordan and those hailing from the Gaza Strip (GS). Ghusheh casts light on the Palestinian League where he assures that the student list supported by the MB would always win the elections. The Union was first headed by Yasir ‘Arafat who was close to the Muslim Brothers, then Salah Khalaf (Abu Iyad) who was a member of the MB. Yet, the MB student activity declined in the late 50s because of the security pressure they had to face. As for the Brothers and their relation with the emergence of Fatah movement, Ghusheh draws the reader’s attention to the fact that Fatah’s early pioneers were MB members such as Khalil al-Wazir (Abu Jihad). He points out to other names including ‘Abdul Fattah al-Hammoud, Riyad al-Za‘nun and Muhammad Yusuf al-Najjar, who became Fatah leaders. Ghusheh illustrates the separation and differentiation between those who established Fatah and the Muslim Brothers, while presenting an assessment of Nasser’s experience. Kuwait and Jordan Ghusheh then talks about his work experience in the Kuwait Municipality in 1962–1966 and the establishment of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and the position of Fatah and the Brothers towards it. He talks about the first the General Supervisor of the Palestinian Muslim Brothers, Hani Bsiso, who used to work as a teacher in Iraq, and who was summoned by the Brothers to lead the Palestinian organization in 1963, where he settled in Egypt. Bsiso was then detained, along with Sayyid Qutb, in the blow dealt to the Muslim Brothers in 1965, and he died in prison. Ghusheh returned to Jordan and worked in the construction of Khalid Ibn al-Walid Dam. He describes the reaction of the Muslim Brothers there to June 1967 war, the Palestinian resistance work, and the Brothers’ participation in “al-Shuyukh camps,” and the Brothers’ vision of the Jordan Army battles against the resistance organizations in 1970–1971. Ghusheh talks about his participation in building the Kuwait Towers in early 1971, then in the construction of King Talal Dam in the late 1972. He also talks about the work of the MB movement with the Jordan Engineers Association where Ghusheh headed the MB trend in the Association in 1973. He points out to the Brothers’ active participation since the ninth Association council in 1974–1975, until they were able to attract Laith Shubeilat and supported him to become the head of the syndicate in 1982–1983. The Islamic Work for Palestine in Diaspora Ghusheh unveils some sides of the Islamic work for Palestine in Diaspora, the most important of which was the formation of Palestine section affiliated with the Muslim Brothers leadership in Jordan, after the Palestinian section in the GS merged with the Jordan Brothers in 1978. He talks about the internal conference, which was held by this section in 1983, in the presence of a number of the Muslim Brothers leaders from the West Bank (WB) and GS, such as ‘Abdul Fattah Dukhan, and from Kuwait, such as Khalid Mish‘al, and others. The meeting was important in the sense that it redefined the track and priorities of the Brothers’ work towards Palestine, and confirmed that there is a new orientation that balances the drive towards an Islamic state in Arab and Islamic countries with popular resistance in Palestine, and a third stage had begun for the Brotherhood to address the Palestinian issue. Ghusheh also points out to the formation of the Palestine Apparatus, and that it was a decision by the MB International Organization—the apparatus that followed from behind the curtain Hamas’s launching, and its aftermath. Ghusheh talks about his enrollment with Hamas in 1989, at the request of the then General-Guide of the Muslim Brothers Muhammad ‘Abdul Rahman Khalifah. Ghusheh, who was in Kuwait, was entrusted with the mission of forming Hamas’s first political committee. Hamas’s Relation with Fatah and Jordan In chapter eight, Ghusheh sheds light on Hamas’s relation with Fatah and the PLO, and displays the dialogue meetings with Fatah where the first one was in Yemen on 10-12/8/1990 and the second in August 1991. He also talks about the Iraqi occupation of Kuwait and his participation as a Hamas representative with the delegations in attempts to bridge the gap and convince the Iraqi leadership of withdrawal. He also talks about the development of the Brothers’ political role in Jordan after their huge victory in the parliamentary elections in 1989. He sheds light on the arrival of a number of Hamas leaders from Kuwait to Jordan and their relations with the Jordanian government. He points out to his appointment in late 1991 as an official spokesperson for Hamas, the dialogue with the Popular and the Democratic Fronts for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP and DFLP), and the meeting of the 10 factions, which led to the formation of a front to oppose the Oslo Accords. In chapter nine, Ghusheh talks about the development of the relation between Hamas and Jordan during 1992–1993, the development of the relation with Fatah and the stance towards Oslo Accords. He reveals the beginnings of Hamas’s external relations in the early 1993 especially concerning returning those displaced to Marj al-Zuhur, where meetings were held in Amman with officials from the embassies of the United States (US), United Kingdom (UK), Italy and Norway. However, at the end of March 1993, the US State Department issued a decision banning any contact with Hamas. In chapter 10, Ghusheh focuses on the period 1994–1996, and he mentions a number of Hamas activities and positions such as opposing the Oslo Accords, the self-immolation operations, the killing of Yahya ‘Ayyash. He also talks about Hamas’s relation with Fatah, the renewed tension in the relation with Jordan and the conditions that forced Musa Abu Marzuq and ‘Imad al-‘Alami to leave the country in 1995, in addition to electing Mish‘al as the head of the Political Bureau to succeed Abu Marzuq in late 1995. In chapter 11, Ghusheh displays the development of relations with Jordan, and he casts light on the assassination attempt that targeted Khalid Mish‘al, and its implications, besides the liberation of Sheikh Ahmad Yassin and his foreign tour. In the following chapter, he exposes the tension in the relations with the Jordan government and Intelligence in 1999. He also talks about the detention of Hamas leaders in Jordan, their life in prison, their political stances, and the expulsion to Qatar of four leaders namely Khalid Mish‘al, Ibrahim Ghusheh, Sami Khatir and ‘Izzat al-Rishq, and the complications that followed. In chapter 13, Ghusheh talks about the 2000–2001 period, and the development of the relations with Jordan, Damascus, and the Palestinian Authority, in addition to al-Aqsa Intifadah (uprising). He details the story of his return to Jordan in mid June 2000, and his detention in the airport for around two weeks, until the issue was settled according to a new agreement that had him travel to Bangkok then return to Jordan. Ghusheh never lost his vitality and he continued to follow up on different issues in the following years, while participating in miscellaneous events whenever he could. Yet, his situation in Jordan restricted his movement. “The Red Minaret” is a book rich with information and stances that any researcher of modern and contemporary history might need in relation to the Palestinian issue. Also, of importance is the index of names, places and institutions at the end of the book, which makes research work easier.
Al-Zaytouna Centre is pleased to present to its readers the Palestine Strategic Report (PSR) 2020–2021, the 12th PSR to be published. With an academic methodology and comprehensive objective approach, the report details the developments concerning the Palestine issue and provides the latest information and data available at the endof 2021, along with analyses and forecasts. This report is the result of collaborative work of 15 experts and researchers. In eight chapters, it addresses the internal Palestinian scene; Palestinian demographic and economic indicators; the situation in Jerusalem and the holy sites; the specifics of Israeli aggression, Palestinian resistance and the peace process; the internal situation in Israel, politically, economically and militarily; and Palestine’s Arab, Islamic, and international relations. The PSR now occupies a prominent position as an indispensable reference, integral to Palestine studies and research. Al-Zaytouna Centre hopes the PSR will continue to make valuable contributions in this field.
This annual referential report, has become an essential classic in the academic realm of Palestinian Studies. It includes the latest and most recent statistical and analytic data on the various developments related to the Palestinian issue. **
This annual referential report, has become an essential classic in the academic realm of Palestinian Studies. It includes the latest and most recent statistical and analytic data on the various developments related to the Palestinian issue. Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies and Consultations issued its Palestinian Strategic Report 2010/11 (PSR 2010/11) which addresses the developments of the Palestinian issue in 2010/11. The PSR is considered one of the most important scientific studies published annually by Al-Zaytouna Centre. The Report is rich with information, analyses, tables and charts besides strategic visions and future outlooks. It is published for the sixth year in a row and it has become one of the major sources for experts and those interested in the Palestinian issue. It provides a comprehensive coverage of the developments of the Palestinian issue that happened over a year while abiding by strict scientific and professional standards. The Report is 444 medium-sized pages. It is co-authored by 15 researchers specialized in the Palestinian issue, reviewed by four consultants and edited by Dr. Mohsen M. Saleh. The PSR 2010/11 stresses that the uprisings witnessed in the Arab world since early 2011, especially in Egypt, will have a direct impact on the Palestinian issue. The impact will most likely be positive if the uprisings achieved their goals and yielded political regimes which express the real will of the Arab peoples. However, the Report notes that the internal affairs would most probably be the primary concern during the coming period. Regarding the inter-Palestinian reconciliation, PSR 2010/11 asserts that the reconciliation agreement signed in Cairo last May still needs more serious steps to end the division and achieve real reconciliation on the ground. It needs to resolve many obstacles through cooperation between the different parties, away from external interventions and pressures. On the Israeli level, the Report mentions that 2010 has continuously witnessed the inclination of the Israeli society towards the extreme right. It further notes the absence of any breakthroughs in 2011 especially in the light of Israel’s rejection for the negotiations with President Mahmud ‘Abbas. The agreement signed with Hamas and the PA’s attempts to obtain international recognition of the Palestinian State in September 2011 hindered such negotiations. On the international level, the PSR says that the international diplomatic efforts towards the Palestinian issue have failed again in 2010. They could not achieve any significant progress regarding the peace settlement track or the siege imposed on the Gaza Strip. Moreover, PSR 2010/11 includes a large number of figures and statistics on Israeli violations on different levels. During 2010, 98 Palestinians were killed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (including Jerusalem) by Israeli forces and settlers while 967 Palestinians and international solidarity activists were wounded. On the other hand, Israel’s internal security service mentioned that during 2010, 9 Israelis were killed and 28 were wounded in operations carried out by the Palestinians. Concerning settlement building, the Report shows that despite the 10-month Israeli moratorium on settlement building, Israel established 1819 buildings/apartments in 133 settlements all over the West Bank, including Jerusalem; in addition to 1433 mobile homes (caravans). PSR 2010/11 also discusses the increased Israeli attacks on the Islamic and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem and historic Palestine, during 2010. It further shows that the developments during that year revealed that the Judaization of Jerusalem has become the primary battle for Israel due to the obsession with the “Jewishness of the state” dominating the Israeli mind. Concerning demographic indicators, PSR 2010/11 mentions that at the end of 2010 the number of Palestinians around the world was around 11.14 million people. More than half of them, i.e., 5.75 million (51.6%) live in Diaspora, while the rest, i.e., 5.39 million (48.4%) live in historic Palestine. The latter are distributed by 1.28 million people in the territories occupied in 1948 and 4.11 million in the ’67 territories. The Report mentions that if the current growth rates of the Palestinians and the Jews persist, the number of Palestinians and Jews will become on par by 2017 where each will reach around 6.53 million. Thus, in 2020, around 49.2% of the population will be Jews as their number will reach 6.87 million compared to 7.09 million Palestinians. Regarding the economic indicators in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, the Report shows that events during 2010 has not affected the direct dependence of the Palestinian economy on the Israeli economy. In addition, the isolation of the Palestinian economy from the outside world continued due to the Israeli control of all international exits and Palestinian border crossings besides the Palestinian foreign trade. PSR 2010/11 also refers to the enormous difference between the Palestinian economy in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip on one hand and the Israeli economy on the other. Thus, it shows, for example, that in 2010 the Palestinian GDP per capita was $1500 (around $1925 in the West Bank and $877 in the Strip) compared to $28,500 in Israel. In addition, the GDP amounted to $5.73 billion for the Palestinians compared to $217.13 billion for the Israelis.
