Together with efforts to control the arms race, commercial issues were a central feature of relations between the United States and the Soviet Union in the 1970s. There was a clear recognition that trade and economic issues were of key importance to political relations. This book, first published in 1987, is a comprehensive analysis of the views and perceptions held by Soviet Area Executives of US ‘trade actor’ companies in the critical years 1975-76. It focuses on the key issues of overall US-Soviet relations which formed the environment for commercial relations between the superpowers.
Politics is intuitively about relationships, but until recently the network perspective has not been a dominant part of the methodological paradigm that political scientists use to study politics. This volume is a foundational statement about networks in the study of politics.
'In International Trade and Political Institutions, four leading young scholars of comparative and international political economy come together to analyse aspects of trade policy from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth centuries. Combining theoretical sophistication with empirical depth, they provide cogent arguments about the interaction of interests, institutions, and ideas in a period of crucial importance to those who would like to understand the sources and implications of global economic integration. This exciting volume will be of great interest for scholars concerned with international trade, political economy, and the history of the nineteenth-century world economy.' - Jeffry A. Frieden, Harvard University, US 'This fascinating volume should be read by political scientists, economists, and historians interested in the political formation of trade policy. The papers consider a rich set of historical examples and never fail to be provocative and interesting.' - Douglas Irwin, Dartmouth College, US It is a widely held view that politics plays an important role in determining international trade policy. Defining precisely why, and how, politics matters is more difficult. Despite the benefits of trade, few nations have wholeheartedly adopted free trade policies, and when they do so it is by managing trade through international institutions and multi- or bilateral trade treaties. International Trade and Political Institutions broadens the public choice theory of trade politics to allow for the study of ideas and institutions within a longer time horizon. The authors use theoretically rigorous historical analysis of international political economy and four important case studies to help untangle the role of ideology, institutions and interests. This illuminating book connects the fields of economics, political economy and history to shed new light on trade theory.
This book unveils a potent new approach to one of the oldest debates in political economy--that over whether class conflict or group competition is more prevalent in politics. It goes further than any study to date by outlining the conditions under which one type of political conflict is more likely than the other. Michael Hiscox focuses on a critical issue affecting support for and opposition to free trade--factor mobility, or the ability of those who own a factor of production (land, labor, or capital) to move it from one industry to another. He argues that the types of political coalitions that form in trade politics depend largely on the extent to which factors are mobile between industries. Class coalitions are more likely where factor mobility is high, Hiscox demonstrates, whereas narrow, industry-based coalitions predominate where it is low. The book also breaks new ground by backing up the theory it advances with systematic evidence from the history of trade politics in six nations over the last two centuries, using a combination of case studies and quantitative analysis. It makes fresh conclusions about the forces shaping trade policy outcomes--conclusions that yield surprising insights into the likely evolution of the global trading system and U.S. trade policy in particular. International Trade and Political Conflict is a major contribution to the scholarly literature while being accessible to anyone interested in understanding and predicting developments in trade policy.
In The Floating World, Emeritus Professor of Economics Wilfred Ethier collates 22 papers that delve deep into the study on International Trade Theory. These papers are grouped into six distinct sections. Each covers an overarching research program in trade theory — Factor-Endowments Theory, Economies of Scale, International Factor Markets, Regional Integration, the Political Economy of Trade Policy, and Administered Protection. An additional section for important papers outside of those programs is also included. With papers originally written in the 1970s all the way up to recent times, Ethier provides contemporary commentary for each section, referring to further sources, candid accounts on the state of international trade theory at the time and how each paper contributed to further improvements of their respective research program.
This book provides a comprehensive review of the theory of international trade and trade policy, including coverage of recent areas of research such as heterogeneous firm trade models and trade costs. It then proceeds to analyze the history of trade policies and the evolution of the global trading system, with a primary focus on important policies or controversial issues such as the Doha Round, antidumping duties, regionalism and fair trade.It aims to emphasize the significance of different theories and how they are interconnected. Unlike other technique-driven international economics textbooks, this book focuses on readers understanding how theory and policy are connected. Written in a lecture note format and in a straightforward manner, the presentation is self-contained with no assumed mathematical knowledge.
Specifically, it explores the robustness of the Heckscher - Ohlin framework and its two core propositions - the Stolper - Samuelson and Rybczynski theorems - by relaxing its underlying assumptions in four ways: limiting the inter-industry mobility of factors of production in the short run; allowing for industry economies of scale; introducing uncertainty of commodity prices; and endogenizing a country's supply of labor. Part II addresses issues related to first-best trade policies which had gained prominence during the period of multilateral trade liberalization under the auspices of the GATT, such as: the scope and limits of negotiated tariff agreements; first-best policy justifications for import restrictions and export promotions; and the use of import-quality standards as a substitute for tariffs. Part III explores the political economy of trade policy formation.
From acclaimed political scientist Diana Mutz, a revealing look at why people's attitudes on trade differ from their own self-interest Winners and Losers challenges conventional wisdom about how American citizens form opinions on international trade. While dominant explanations in economics emphasize personal self-interest—and whether individuals gain or lose financially as a result of trade—this book takes a psychological approach, demonstrating how people view the complex world of international trade through the lens of interpersonal relations. Drawing on psychological theories of preference formation as well as original surveys and experiments, Diana Mutz finds that in contrast to the economic view of trade as cooperation for mutual benefit, many Americans view trade as a competition between the United States and other countries—a contest of us versus them. These people favor trade as long as they see Americans as the "winners" in these interactions, viewing trade as a way to establish dominance over foreign competitors. For others, trade is a means of maintaining more peaceful relations between countries. Just as individuals may exchange gifts to cement relationships, international trade is a tie that binds nations together in trust and cooperation. Winners and Losers reveals how people's orientations toward in-groups and out-groups play a central role in influencing how they think about trade with foreign countries, and shows how a better understanding of the psychological underpinnings of public opinion can lead to lasting economic and societal benefits.
