This is a copy of Andrew Jackson's farewell address. Andrew Jackson was the seventh President of the United States from 1829 to 1837. He was an American lawyer, military, and statesman. In it, Jackson stated, "Our country has grown and evolved beyond any prior example in the history of countries." As in his parting address, Washington warned of the risks of sexism, saying, "This Unity must be preserved in the face of every danger and sacrifice... What do division and struggle accomplish?" Discusses the differences between state and federal rights. Concerns regarding the usage of paper money and the abuse of federal power to levy taxes. Israel Sackett printed and published this paper.
Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882) never considered himself a political thinker. And yet he rose to prominence during one of the most turbulent times in U.S. history. As a result, political questions grew in importance for him, becoming by the 1860s one of his chief concerns as a public intellectual. In The Political Emerson, David M. Robinson has brought together for the first time the best of Emerson's numerous writings on politics and social reform.
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John Van Buren's 'Travel journal for a trip to Europe, 1838-1839' is a record of the a year he spent in England, Scotland, Ireland, Belgium and Holland, primarily for his father, Martin Van Buren, the 8th President of the United States. A fly-on-the-wall view of the political and social situation in Europe was invaluable to the President at a highly sensitive moment in Anglo-American relations, and provides a rich and insightful view for historians of the period. Published in its entirety for the first time, Van Buren's objective and good-humoured observations present fresh insights into complex and compelling personalities and relationships on both sides of the Atlantic, providing an invaluable and highly readable resource for scholars and students of the period, as well as for the general reader.
Excerpt from A Letter Addressed to Martin Van Buren, President of the United States, in Answer to the Late Attack Upon the Navy, by the Official Organ of the Government Can people to be tarnished by the filthy outpourings of this foul vehicle of slander. I shall merely notice some of its more opprobrious epithets and comparisons, and may, perhaps, allude to and rebut one or two of the graver assertions; before doing which, however, I will brie y give my reason for addressing this letter to yourself. You have adopted the maxims and principles of your illustrious predecessor, pledged yourself to follow in his footsteps, and will consequently do as he did - take the responsibility of the acts and doings of the different Depart ments, more especially Blair's, as this seems to receive more of the executive attention and supervision than any or all of the others; nothing, at least, can appear in its venal and prostituted columns, without being.written, dictated, or sanctioned, by the Executive. The whole navy has been the object of this slander and abuse. Old and meritorious officers have been abused, insulted, and vilified, and the faults of the few have been made to attach to the many. It has been charged upon this gallant corps, that there is a total want of the esprit da corps, without which there is nothing high or ennobling in the profes sion of arms. Grant this for the sake of argument, (which by no means do to whom are blame and censure attributable? And who should receive condemnation at the hands of the pub lic? The officers of the navy, or those who have had the control and management of Certainly the latter as in their hands has it fallen to its present ebb; for its condition when the present party came into power was sound, efficient, and well organized - admitted to be so by the present dynasty, who were the celebrated reformers of that day. It was the pride, boast, and ornament of the country, and to be one of its members was considered a sufficient passport to the very best society of the day. In those days reputation and fame were gained by merit and service, not by cringing servility to the party in rule, for such was not then the order of the day. But how sadly has this once high-minded and honorable corps fallen since then! It seems by your own showing that they have not been exempt from the corrupting influences of the infected atmosphere at Washington; and, as there can be no effect without a cause, there must be a reason for it. Is it to the force of example in other Departments, or to a new one in their own! If to either, the present administration is unquestionably the source of the evil. It is attributable to the weakness, inefficiency, and dis. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works."
Martin Van Buren, eighth president of the United States, has been judged harshly by some historians as a politician by trade and a spoilsman without principles, a "little magician" who was interested only in his own advancement. This volume provides a thorough recounting of the events and decisions of Van Buren's White House years (1837-1841), and adds to the positive reappraisal of Van Buren as an able statesman and effective chief executive. Wilson stresses that Van Buren faced the major problems of his presidency with courage and consistency, and that he brought repose to a nation wrenched both by sectional differences and by the violent fluctuations of economic expansion and contraction. Wilson discusses Van Buren's close relationship with Andrew Jackson and substantially qualifies the persistent interpretation of the Van Buren presidency as the "third term" of Jackson. Van Buren, a pragmatic Jeffersonian with a statesmanlike concern for order, reversed Jackson's priorities. Wilson describes how Van Buren resolved the crisis with Mexico and succeeded in keeping peace with Britain at a time when incidents arising out of rebellion in Canada and the disputed Maine boundary might have precipitated war. The most distinctive contribution of this volume is its in-depth analysis of the economic and political aspects of Van Buren's domestic policy, especialy the Independent Treasury, the issue that gave basic shape to his entire presidency. Jackson had divorced the Treasury from the national bank; Van Buren took one further step and rendered the operations of the Treasury independent of the state banks as well. By the end of his term, debate on the issues of currency and enterprise had brought the second-party system in the U.S. to maturity. In 1840 Van Buren's views in this area would cost him reelection. This study sheds lights on a turbulent period in American history and contributes to our understanding of Martin Van Buren's achievements. He kept the nation out of war, reduced sectional tensions, and established the basis for a fiscal policy which he believed would bring greater stability to economic development.
